WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
FOR BOLSHEVISM
FOR BOLSHEVISM
INSIDE THE COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' MOVEMENT
No 3 (48) MARCH 2007
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CONTENTS
1---- 8 MARCH, COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY!
2---- REPORT OF COMRADE S.V. KRISTYENKO DEVOTED TO 127 BIRTHDAY OF J.V. STALIN (THE INNER PARTY OPPOSITION 1920 - 1938)
3---- TO THE WORKERS' MOVEMENT - AN ORGANISED CHARACTER!
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8 MARCH, COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY!
THE ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLSHEVIKS (AUCPB) CONGRATULATES OUR WOMEN READERS AND DISTRIBUTORS OF BOLSHEVIK PRESS MATERIAL AND ALL WOMEN WORKERS ON 8 MARCH - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY - A COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION!
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The report of comrade S.V. Khristenko at the All-Union scientific-practical conference devoted to the 127-th anniversary from the date of the birth of J.V.Stalin
INNER-PARTY OPPOSITION 1920-1938
The theme of my speech is the course of struggle against inner-party opposition in the first twenty years of Soviet power, till 1938. The struggle was very active, actually - continuous. I shall stop, first of all, on questions on the methods and the purposes of oppositional struggle of those years, about their evolution, about results of the struggle, about the significance of this struggle for the history of our Soviet Fatherland, and for the present too.
I shall mention only the major stages of the struggle: the discussion "About trade unions" (1920), discussions in connection with the publication of articles by Trotsky " the New Policy ", " About the lessons of October " (1923-1924), " New opposition " (1925), discussion "About the social democratic deviation in CPSU(b) (1926), Events of 1927, Trotsky's and Zinovyev's expulsion from the Central Committee, the long struggle against right deviation - Buharin, Rykov, Tomsky (1928-1930). The opposition was broken at the head in the open party struggle and turned to underground, terrorist methods. The natural result: the murder of Kirov, and the well known processes of 1934-1938.
First of all - it is necessary to understand, that struggle against opposition at all was not a personal struggle of Stalin - Trotsky, Stalin - Zinovyev etc. It was, first of all, a struggle of ideas, a struggle of various plans of construction of socialism in the USSR, of a very differing vision of parity of class forces.
Under the influence of speeches by the opposition against the policy of the party in 1920, the X Congress adopted the resolution "About unity of the party", written by Lenin's hand where it says: "congress orders to dismiss immediately everything, without exception, formed on this or that platform or groups, and charges to all organizations to more strictly watch for and not allow any fractional speeches. Non-abidance to this decision of congress carries unconditional and immediate expulsion from the party ".
This fundamental document always caused rabid hate of the oppositionists. Divergences between party and opposition were not on minor, but, as a rule, on the major questions of party and state construction.
So, in the known discussion about trade unions and their place in the Soviet state system, there arose in 1920 "the workers' opposition" that suggested the organizing of the management of the national economy through the All-Russia Congress of manufacturers, united in the professional industrial unions (trades unions). Lenin specified, that " the ideas underlying it and other similar applications, are radically wrong theoretically, being a complete break with Marxism and communism ". The X Congress decided concerning the "working opposition": "1. To recognize the necessary steady and systematic struggle against these as "ideas"; 2. To recognize propagation of these ideas (i.e. anarcho-syndicalism, Ñ.Õ.) as incompatible with belonging to the Russian Communist Party (RCP)".
In autumn of 1923 there was the catastrophic problem of "price cuts" between the prices for agricultural products and for products of industry. With what should the party be guided by in solving this question? The party consistently defended the position that only the alliance of the proletariat with the labouring peasantry can lead to the victory of socialism. The opposition stood on the point of view of exploitation of the middle peasant economy, denying as a whole the "socialist potential" of the peasant masses. This was fixed in the "theory" Preobrazhensky about the so-called law "on initial socialist accumulation". The party rejected the Trotskyite view on the peasant economy as a "colony" of the proletariat, and decided that it is necessary "to involve the great mass of the peasantry in the cooperative organization and to provide this organization with socialist development, overcoming and superseding its capitalist elements". The widely developed after collectivization of agriculture strengthened the alliance of the working class with the great masses of peasantry - poor and middle peasants.
The major significance for the determination of the correct policy of construction of socialism in the USSR in conditions of the outlined stabilization of world capitalism had discussions about the opportunity of construction of socialism in one separately taken country. The XIV party conference (1925) in its decision wrote down: " The experience of the Russian revolution has proved, that such first victory in one country not only is possible, but under a number of favorable circumstances this first country of victorious proletarian revolution can hold on and be strengthened for the long period even in that case when its support does not pour out in the form of direct proletarian revolutions in other countries ". Further the resolution is wisely noted: " The FINAL victory of socialism in the sense of a full guarantee from restoration of bourgeois relations is possible ONLY internationally (or in the several DECIDING countries) ".
In this formulation - the direct answer to the obstinate the theory defended by Trotsky that in such country as agrarian Russia, with domination of the peasant population, it is impossible to build a complete socialist society without "state help" of countries more developed in the technical and economic sense.
The question on industrialization in the USSR was solved in the furious struggle against the opposition. Before the XIV congress (autumn of 1925) there were many publications by oppositional figures saying that the USSR for a long time should remain an agrarian country on the advantage, exporting on an increasing scale a lot of agricultural products and instead of them, importing equipment and other goods. These views were developed, in particular, by Shanin, and they were supported by Sokol'nikov.
The congress rejected such ideas. It decided, that it is necessary " to provide for the USSR economic independence, preserving it from transformation into an appendage of the capitalist world economy and to head for industrialization of the country, development of manufacture of means of production and formation of reserves for economic maneuvering ".
As a whole, the struggle of a party and opposition went on the broad audience of questions: about sources of financing of industrialization (the opposition says - it is necessary to increase taxes on the middle peasant, leave high prices on industrial goods, the Central Committee says - it is necessary to reduce prices, with that - improvement of economic situation of working class and peasantry), concerning liquidation of unemployment (the opposition demagogically demanded - to liquidate unemployment within one year, the Central Committee answered - liquidation of unemployment is possible only in process of root changes in the national economy).
What methods did the opposition use at various stages of the struggle against the party? Having begun in 1920 a struggle against the party with correct methods of inner-party discussion, from the open statement of the ideological positions, the opposition, suffering one defeat after another, had rolled down to double-dealing - one spoke obviously, and other decisions were adopted at secret meetings, published in their bulletins for closed use. Corresponding rules of conspiracy were introduced, underground printing houses were organized. In 1927 things got so bad that the audiotorium in Baumansky school (ÌVÒU) where the members of the Central Committee and TsiK were not admitted was violently seized. They were met by threats and fists. On November, 7th, 1927 groups of Trotskyites tried to shout out during a celebratory demonstration oppositional slogans and toasts in honour of leaders of the opposition. The disgraceful way in the 1930-s of the opposition was completed by their service to foreign spies, the organization of sabotage in the national economy, the murder of objectionable to them honest party workers, and military plots against the Soviet power.
So, close to Trotsky, E.A. Dreitser admitted, that in 1934 he had received Trotsky's written instruction on the preparation of an act of terrorism against Comrades Stalin and Voroshilov. The content of the letter of Trotsky was short. It began with the following words: "Dear friend! Pass this on, that for today before us stand the following primary goals: the first - to remove Stalin and Voroshilov, the second - to develop work on the organization of cells in the army, the third - in case of war to use any failures and confusion for the seizing of power".
The XV congress (1927) ascertained, that the opposition had ideologically broken off with Leninism. Considering, that disagreements between party and opposition from tactical ones growing into party program disaggreements, that the Trotskyite opposition objectively became the factor of anti-soviet struggle, the XV congress has declared to be an accessory to the Trotskyite opposition and propagation of its views incompatible with belonging to the ranks of the Bolshevik party.
After being exiled abroad in 1929 Trotsky began to wear the policy of the CPSU (B) practically on all questions, "in a black way". The published by him "Bulletin of the opposition" demanded the dissolution of state farms, abolition of a greater part of collective farms. Trotsky called for the suspension of the "prize-winning gallop of industry", that was as a matter of fact, a rejection of industrialization. Trotsky christened the sincere enthusiasm of workers-Stakhanovites as insidiousness of the Kremlin ", in the program document written by him there was even a slogan "down with the Stakhanovite movement". In the article "The New Constitution of the USSR " Trotsky called for the rejection of a one-party system as a structure of Soviet society as it ostensibly "creates favorable enough opportunities for the formation of several parties". For Trotsky these were not simply appeals, - the Trotskyites in the USSR had set up underground organizations for the purpose of coming to power through a "political revolution" . On the aggression of Germany in France, Trotsky responded with a statement which came under the name "We shall not change our policy" which was distributed in France as a leaflet. Armed resistance against the hitlerite troops Trotsky declared as "incompatible with internationalism".
The struggle of the party, the Stalin Central Committee, against the opposition was actually continuous. Was it necessary to spend energy and strength on an uncompromising struggle against the opposition? I shall cite the opinion of the enemy - Adolf Hitler. The leader of nazi Germany by dignity evaluated Stalin's political foresight. Speaking on May, 8th, 1943 at a meeting with with the Reichleiters and Hauleiters, the Fuhrer with irritation ascertained, that Stalin had that advantage, that in the USSR "there does not remain practically any opposition", that "Bolshevism on time freed itself from this threat and can direct therefore all energy on the struggle against the enemy", and this, Hitler noted, "has put an end to defeatism."
The role that J.V.Stalin personally played in the ideological and organizational defeat of the opposition is huge. The struggle against the slogans of the opposition was the hardest thing having demanded a thorough analysis of them, a comparison of them to the works of the classics with the real political and economic situation, revealing the unworkability or inaccuracies of those, or other appeals of the opposition, the proof of it laid out in simple and convincing language. And Stalin proved to be the greatest master in this struggle. In Stalin's works about fifty five works are devoted entirely or in a significant part to questions of struggle against the opposition.
At the XVI congress in 1930, Stalin gave a deep characteristic of the social nature of the deviations that existed in the party. Stalin paid attention to the fact that the working class is not separated by "a Chinese wall" from other classes that it lives not in "vacuum", that the environment consists of various classes and social groups.
A socialist attack causes resistance by the classes that are becoming obsolete. A reflection of resistance of those classes becoming obsolete also are all kinds of deviations from the Leninist line in the ranks of the party. A socialist attack therefore demands a ruthless, uncompromising struggle against deviations and especially with right deviation as the main danger at the given stage. Though the Trotskyites and right opportunists reflect the moods of the dying off classes, between them there is also an essential difference.
Stalin in his speech said: " … The essence Trotskyism consists, first of all, in the denying of the opportunity of constructing of socialism in the USSR by the forces of the working class and peasantry of our country", " in denying the chance of involving the main masses of peasantry in the cause of socialist construction in the countryside", " in denying the necessity of iron discipline in the party, in recognising of freedom of fractional groupings in the party, in the recognition of the necessity of the formation Trotskyite parties", "the strength of the right opportunism consists in the strength of petty-bourgeois elements, in the strength of pressure on the party from capitalist elements in general, from wealthier peasants (kulaks) - in particular ". Formally recognizing, unlike Trotskyites of the possibilty of building socialism in the USSR, the rightist deviationists did not recognize the ways of construction of socialism planned by the party or the inevitability and necessity of irreconcilable class struggle and the developed socialist approach to capitalist elements. They "slide over to the position in practice on the point of view of denying of the opportunity of construction of socialism in the USSR". "The core evils of right opportunism consists that it breaks off from the Leninist understanding of class struggle and slides over to the point of view of petty-bourgeois liberalism ".
Stalin called for "the continuing and henceforth uncompromising struggle on two fronts, against the "left", representing petty-bourgeois radicalism, and against the right, representing petty-bourgeois liberalism ".
How did Stalin treat the criticism of the opposition of him personally? Here are his words in a speech at a session of the unified plenum of the Central Committee and TsiK Of the CPSU (B) ÖÊÊ ÂÊÏ on October, 23rd, 1927 in the section "Some minor questions":" Comrades! I have little time, therefore I shall speak on separate questions. First of all on a personal moment. You heard here as Stalin's oppositionists diligently abuse, not regretting forces. It does not surprise me, comrades. That fact, that the main attacks are directed against Stalin, this fact speaks that Stalin knows, better, maybe, than some our comrades, the tricks of opposition, to inflate him, perhaps, not so easily, and here they direct the blow first of all against Stalin. Well, let them swear on..."
Having got acquainted with the ideological essence of discussions of 1920-s -1930-s, you understand, that as the perestroika slanderers against Marxism-Leninism, personally against Stalin, and present bourgeois "ideologists" scoop up their own "theoretical baggage" from the garbage bin where history threw that what already has been a very long time ago told-and is retold by different oppositional groupings in the 1920-s -1930-s that for a long time has been in detail exposed as a spiteful forgery, and resolutely rejected by the party.
The history of the oppositional struggle of the 1920-s -1930-s is not at all an "ancient legend", they are actual facts, only knowing of which we can correctly answer questions: "How did the Bolshevik party created by Lenin and nurtured by Stalin turn into a rotten CPSU which handed over everything - both heroic work and victims of generations of the Soviet people and destiny of the country - on demand to the mongrels - democrat-bastards and their transatlantic masters in yankland?", "How was it possible for the bourgoeisie to "suddenly" bring the great and proud Soviet people to their knees, the Soviet people - the victor?" "How was it possible to wreck the mighty Soviet Union?". There is no "suddenly" present here at all! Everything is the consequence of one thing - the rejection under influence of opportunism (Khruschevite, Brezhnevite opportunism) of the tested by time and struggle of the thesis of Bolshevism, including - the rejection of the strict requirement of ideological unity of the party, from that understanding, that false hypocracy has no place in a Bolshevik party!
To be able to expose the slander against Marxism-Leninism, against the great epoch of construction of socialism in our country, we should know history well of the party, thoroughly, in a Stalin-like way, to study the history of oppositional struggle, to be able to see in the "latest" approaches, in ostensibly Marxist theories, their rotten bourgeois essence.
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TO THE WORKERS MOVEMENT - AN ORGANISED CHARACTER!
On tasks of the communists in the affair of organising the workers movement and instilling Marxist -Leninist ideology into the consciousness of the working class
- CONTINUED FROM FEBRUARY 07 "FOR BOLSHEVISM"
- The orientation of the main mass of workers and all working people not towards a class struggle against the attack of capital in the period of the restoration of capitalism, when in society there was a high level of tension of revolutionary struggle, but towards dead-end parliamentary games playing by the rules of the bourgeoisie, towards class collaboration with the exploiters - by fault of Zyuganovite social democracy and Shmakovskyite trade unions;
It is well know what role social democracy and traitorous trade unions play in the conditions of capitalist society. It is an agent of monopoly capital in the workers’ movement, propagators of bourgeois influence over the proletariat. The CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) together with the treacherous Shmakovskyite trades unions propagate bourgeois ideology in the workers’ movement, a rejection of revolutionary methods of struggle, a rejections of the struggle for socialism, sow parliamentary illusions among working people, the ideology of class collaboration between the exploiters and those who are being exploited give up to anathema Marxist -Leninist ideology as the only truly scientific theory. All this leads to a strengthening of the influence of bourgeois ideology on the proletariat, towards a weakening of the socialist ideology. One also cannot but notice also the definite role of the policy of appeasement and compromise in relation to right opportunism, when dubious election factions form blocks with the CPRF, when several people calling themselves communists harness themselves to the common team of "parliamentary cretinism" and impetuously extol the restorative processes in Belarus, China under a hubbub of socialist rhetoric etc., and also the widely spread ideology of anti-Stalinism, Trotskyism, anarcho-syndicalism, "left" opportunism and other such petty bourgeois ideology in the communist movement providing noxious influence on the consciousness of the working people.
- The huge role in brainwashing social consciousness of the working people is played by the mass media, especially the television which day by day blackened and criticised the heroic Soviet past, the building by us of a socialist state in battles, they have discredited the great communist idea, the Marxist -Leninist ideology with the help of lies, deceit, falsification and garbling and they have spat upon the leading role of the communist party in Soviet society. More than that, with the aid of the mass media a false model of the only communist Zyuganov has been created who in reality is a betrayer and wrecker, an assistant and accomplice of the bourgeoisie in the cause of fooling the working masses.
A the result of raining down onto the consciousness of the working people a barrage of anti-Stalinism, anti-communism and anti-Sovietism, they have lost orientation in the present political atmosphere, have lost faith in the socialist future of the country, reject the Marxist -Leninist theory replacing it with different types of "ideas" and "little ideas" of various types of intriguing demagogues on the television and in the press, of "patriotic" rhetoric by the powers to be and the sickening pronouncements of the church hierarchy, the opportunist lullaby songs of the bourgeois agents in the workers’ movement. More than that, in society with the aid of the mass media, the cult of violence, debauchery, arbitrariness, individualism according to the principle, "I’m alright Jack", "it’s no concern of mine", "as long as I’m alright" etc., an unprecedented moral decay of society is well underway. The bourgeoisie is doing everything it can in order to transform the working people not just into economic slaves but also into spiritual, moral slaves demoralising them, instilling among them their own beastlike human -hating ideology and moral standards.
Such are the main factors of the objective and subjective order leading to the loss by the working class of socialist ideology, their class consciousness towards political apathy, to distrust in the socialist prospects of the development of our country.
3. The main task - is to bring Marxist-Leninist theory, socialist ideology into the working class.
From here flows the main task of the communists, if the latter stands on the positions of recognising the necessity of a socialist revolution and a dictatorship of the proletariat namely to instil into the minds of the working class Marxist -Leninist theory, socialist ideology, to return to the working class belief in its revolutionary possibilities, in the socialist perspective of the country’s development.
"Marxism -Leninism is the science about the laws of the development of nature and society, about a revolution of the oppressed and exploited masses, about the victory of socialism in all countries, about the construction of a communist society. The creators of Marxism -Leninism are the great leaders and teachers of the proletariat of the whole world K. Marx, F. Engels, V.I.Lenin, J.V. Stalin. (Large Soviet Encyclopaedia 2nd Edition).
Marxism -Leninism is the revolutionary ideology of the working class, the only true, only scientific, only revolutionary ideology pointing out the way and means for liberating the working masses from capitalist oppression, the paths and means for the construction of a new, communist society. Without arming the working class with Marxist-Leninist theory, without connecting the workers’ movement with scientific socialism, the proletariat and its allies, it will get lost in the darkness and will never be able to cast from itself the yoke of exploitation.
"…Social-democratic consciousness of the workers could not have been. It could only be brought in from outside. The history of all countries shows that the workers by their own strength can develop only trade unionist consciousness…"(V.I. Lenin).
"The question is put only this way: bourgeois or socialist ideology. There is no middle ground here…Therefore any deviation from it means a strengthening of bourgeois ideology (V.I. Lenin).
"….The worker’s movement without socialism - is like stamping one feet in the same place, in the framework of capitalism, lost around private ownership which if that leads at some time to a social revolution than who knows when and at what price of such torment" (J.V. Stalin).
"…In our time there can exist only two ideologies - socialist and bourgeois, and where the first one is absent the second one is definitely present (J.V. Stalin).
One of the main tasks of the communist movement in Russia at the present stage of development is its bolshevization, that is the crossover of it onto positions of revolutionary ideology of Marxism-Leninism, onto positions of Bolshevism, Leninism as Marxism in the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions. In short, the bolshevization of the communist movement in Russia means: - the shift of communist parties over onto positions of Leninism, this is the course set for a revolutionary change of the social political system;
- party building on the basis of democratic centralism, criticism and self criticism, strict conscious party discipline;
- decisive delimitation with opportunism, revisionism and petty bourgeois revolutionism;
- the proletariatization of the revolutionary movement, the freeing it from tailism, dependence, appeasement and capitulation.
The communist and workers movement becoming bolshevised and is Leninist is necessary because the idea becomes a force when it is possessed by the masses (Lenin).
The process of bolshevization in the communist movement regardless of anyone’s wishes, since it bases itself on the natural changes in the arrangement of class forces, on the inevitability of delimiting the revolutionary - proletarian wing of the communist movement from the opportunist, appeasing wing of petty bourgeois revolutionism. By not solving the question of the bolshevization of the communist movement on the territory of the USSR, one cannot count on a defeat of the bourgeois counter-revolution.
4. Some lessons from the strike movement - struggle of the working class in the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR.
It is necessary to in short to stop on the main lessons learned from the strike movement -struggle which had its place in the past in connection with the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. An analysis of these lessons is needed in order to reveal the weak and strong sides of the workers’ movement in Russia, since in present day conditions the strike struggle is continuing although it carries a single character.
Further, an analysis of this struggle is especially needed in order that in its wide development in the future, - and it will inevitably be loaded with a new force - to try to overcome its weaker sides, direct it into the channel of a wide political struggle, to achieve the aims and tasks set forth before the workers’ movement, namely - the overthrowing of the rule of the bourgeoisie, the victory of the proletarian revolution, establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviets of workers, peasants and working intelligentsia.
The relatively wide character of the strike movement in Russia in the period of the restoration of capitalism, especially in the period 1995- 1999 once again with especially large force confirms that in modern conditions there is only one revolutionary force in the country - this is the working class and its allies the peasantry and the working intelligentsia.
The strong side of the strike movement of this period is the participation in the strike of a wide circle of various ranks of the working people - those who went out on strike were not only workers, not just machine builders and miners, energy sector workers and workers in the nuclear industry but also other ranks of the working people - teachers and doctors, scientists and workers in pedagogy, pensioners and the youth, communication workers etc. in a word, in the strike struggle there took part also the allies of the proletariat in struggle - and foremost the representatives of the working intelligentsia.
Further, the strike struggle all the more gained a organised character, strike committees, workers’ Soviets, salvage committees and other organs of running the strike struggle were formed. There were rare occasions when workers went out on strike without forming any of the above fighting organs.
There were often cases although not that many, when workers showed much needed solidarity and unity, when several collectives went out on strike supporting each other when the collective like a single entity in unity defending its interests, when several regions of the country rose up to the struggle (the miners). In this case the workers from their own experience were convinced that being organised - is the main weapon of the working class in the struggle against the attack of capital.
Together with strikes that were either political or economic in their demands, the working people used other more decisive forms of class struggle of the proletariat and namely: blocking main roads in the towns and cities including railway lines, blocking entrances into factories and plants, administration buildings, taking directors and other managers of the factory administration and local power bodies hostage and others. And although such cases were rare, with the exception of blocking transport, the bourgeoisie are especially afraid of namely such revolutionary, unauthorised methods of struggle when the working masses, brought to a state of desperation, defy bourgeois legality and take on decisive methods of struggle. One can remember in this case the experience of the Soviets way back during Tsarist times when workers in defiance seized control over enterprises and established revolutionary order in the town regardless and despite all the existing laws and in defiance of these laws.
But at the same time, the workers’ movement of this time had its defects which defined the main contours and face of this movement, namely:
1) Strikes were mostly local in character, not expanding any further than a single enterprise of region; the workers’ strikes were disunited, disconnected with each other.
2) Despite that various ranks of the working people took part in the strikes, not just from industrial production but all those in the sphere of education and healthcare were few in number.
3) The working people in the main put forward mainly economic demands and mainly to demand to end wage arrears and if political demands were made it was mainly for the president and government to resign;
4) The strikes by workers occurred spontaneously, without a planned preparation of the strike and workers aimed to distance themselves from the communists and they did not trust them; the communists do not lead the struggle of the workers;
5) The workers obviously lacked organisation, unity and solidarity; among workers’ collectives only a small number went out on strike; the other workers’ collectives as a rule did not support those workers of other collectives who went out on strike; after their salaries were paid they went back to work.
The main thing that the working class was unable to achieve was the imparting a mass character to the political strike committees, economic strike committees, Soviets of workers and other bodies of political -economic strike struggle and transforming them into alternative organs of power, into organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat, an exit of the struggle of the workers into true duel power. Such is the main lesson of the political-economic strike struggle of that period.
The task of the communists in the period of the wide development of the strike struggle, as analysis of this struggle shows must include the helping of the workers overcome the economism of their demands, helping them to take action in an organised manner and united in solidarity with other collectives and exit onto the path of a general political struggle, onto the path of a general political strike, onto the path of true duel power. The task will be in imparting the movement with a mass and political character, in directing it along the path of a general political strike along the path of winning political power by the working people, by way of smashing the old state power bodies and creating new organs of power - of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviets.
The strategic aim must be - the transformation of the political - economic strike committees into Soviets as primary organs of Soviet power with the presence of a revolutionary situation and with the consequent establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat by way of a socialist revolution.
With this the communists must provide concrete help to worker collectives in their struggle for their rights, namely:
1) in solving concrete questions of survival of the labouring people and preserving work places, preserving enterprises;
2) in establishing ties of those out on strike with collectives of other enterprises and agricultural workers;
3) in working out economic and other demands;
4) in providing organisational, methodical and legal aid to striking collectives;
5) in the moral and according to possibilities material support to the striking collectives;
6) in providing political assistance to striking workers by way of organising meetings and other acts of protest;
7) in defending activists of the workers’ movement from persecution on part of the factory management and local authorities;
8) in coordinating the activity of the political and economic strike committees, Soviets of workers and other proletarian organisations between various enterprises in a given region;
9) in the obtaining and spreading of the experience of the political and economic strike committees;
10) in consolidating all results of the strikes
5. The main paths and means in the cause of establishing ties with working class and workers’ movement
Despite the sharp decline in the strike movement in 2000 - 2003, in present-day conditions the struggle of the workers for their rights is continuing against the attack by capital. Evidence bear witness to the fact that in 2004 - 2005 a fresh uplift in the strike movement has been observed. Even according to facts by official statistics the number of organisations where strikes took place in 2004 were 1/3 the level of 1997 (the peak year of the strike movement in the 1990-s)s, and the number of workers taking part in strikes stood at a quarter. However in 2005 a drop in the strike movement occurred. More than that, the weak sides of the strike movement in the 1990-s are completely inherent to the strikes of recent years.
But now the workers of enterprises are already putting forth demands not just about wage arrears but also and widely putting forward other demands for example, for pay rises, preserving the enterprise, against layoffs, in defending activists of the movement , trades unions and other. The workers in opposition to the Shmakovskyite trade unions formed their own workers unions defending their own interests and rights. But at the same time during 2006, the number of strikes at major enterprises could be counted one hand, only a few (miners in Kazakhstan, Ford, VEKS, Kholodmash and others). More than that, the spreading of strikes across various regions was not equal, namely: they in the main take place in certain regions and oblasts. The main mass of workers are not carrying out a struggle against capital, do not rise up to the struggle for their rights and interests. According to statistics (which of course do not fully reflect the true level of strikes), in 2005 84.6 thousand people took part in strikes and this with a multi million mass of working people with a 30 million size working class of Russia.
Nonetheless the strike struggle of the workers is underway and here there is something for the communists to think about working on.
One of the main tasks of the communists, one of the main directions of their activity as was earlier said is the establishment of ties with the workers’ movement, the leadership on part of the communists with the class struggle of the proletariat and all the labouring masses.
The bourgeoisie in modern conditions of strengthening of political and ideological reaction has temporarily been successful in the decline of the workers’ movement, the strengthening in the ranks of the of the workers of petty bourgeois-philistine moods, political apathy, distrust in the possibility of a revolutionary struggle for power of the working people, for improving their material being. The working class today in its common mass is not accepting Marxist-Leninist ideology, is turning its back on the communists, does not listen to their propaganda and agitation, to their calls for a revolutionary struggle against the attack of capital for its vital rights and interests and for its own existence.
Much has been said about the reason for political passiveness of the masses and the main reason is the distrust of the working class and all the working people to the communists, a completely natural and just distrust, originating not out of nothing but was conditioned by the treachery of the leadership of the CPSU and the CPRF, betraying the root interests of the proletariat, the substitution by them of concrete vital work in the cause of defending the interests of the working people by some useless talking-shop, empty pledges, parliamentary games, that is to say, that what summons justified repugnance on part of the working people.
From here and our main task - to return the lost trust of the working people to the communists, return by way of concrete help to the working people in their difficult for their rights by way of consistent defending of their root interests in the struggle against capital. If the working people again fail to see that namely communists express their aspirations and interests then one will not be able to talk of any fruitful work by the communists.
The struggle for hearts, minds and sympathies of people - this is namely the necessary and correct approach in the work of the communists in all places. Public opinion needs to be won over onto our side via real deeds when providing true assistance primarily to stratum of the population who really need it. Via real work and assistance in the localities the communists can return the trust of the working class and working people to the communists, trust undermined by the policy of the CPSU and CPRF especially during the years of perestroika and bourgeois reforms.
The given problem cannot be solved by "horseman" attack, it is necessary to be prepared for difficult, persistent and lengthy work in the cause of socialist enlightenment of the masses, in the cause of returning the trust of the masses to the communists, in the cause of reviving the attractiveness of the socialist ideology among the working people in the cause of the organisation of the struggle of the working people for their rights and interests.
For solving this task the communists in the localities must:
1) carry out a decisive uncompromising struggle against opportunism, revisionism and petty bourgeois hurrah revolutionism in the workers’ movement, to defend the Marxist- Leninist theory from attacks from the opportunists and their obvious and less obvious accomplices.
2) carry out persistent, painstaking explanatory work amongst the population relative to the true aims of the communists, to reveal the exploitative and savage essence of modern day bourgeois society, the bourgeois essence of the powers to be, to unmask the bourgeois lies against our heroic Soviet past and socialism.
3) to assist the working people in their difficult struggle for their concrete rights and interests, for their own existence, for their survival in severe conditions of capitalist reality.
4) to decisively stop the mood of pessimism and uncertainty in the communist environment, among our militant comrades, unmask the whiners, cowards, capitulators, scabs and strike-breakers among the communists.
"A revolution cannot be carried out or placed in a queue on hold. A revolution cannot be carried out to order - a revolution grows" (Lenin v36 p 458 Russian).
"One cannot predict the flow of a revolution … nether can it be summonsed. One can only work to the benefit of the revolution (ibid).
"A general belief in revolution is already a start of a revolution" (v 9 p 159).
"Not one revolution can be carried out by a party, it is carried out by the people only (K. Marx and F. Engels v 45 p475 Russian)
From these Lenin quotes, our main task is defined - TO WORK TOWARDS REVOLUTION.
If the main character and direction of our work is defined in the cause of the organisation of the class struggle of the proletariat and its Marxist-Leninist education, then one can use the words of Lenin spoken by him at the dawn of the social-democratic movement in Tsarist Russia, namely "… The entire strength of the movement - lies is in the organised workers of major factories, either large factories (and manufacturing plants include in themselves not just large numbers of workers but large influence, development, its ability to fight for the whole working class Every factory should be our fortress". (Lenin works Russian v 7 p 15).
This is the main task - namely : to go into the factories and plants, quarries and mines, to major enterprises, work amongst the labour collectives, assist the workers in their fight, raise them up to the level of struggle, to win them over onto our side. How can this be achieved? In this lies the main question and the main difficulty today for communists.
I think that in modern-day conditions of political and ideological reaction to the communists in the regions regardless of what party they are in, they will soon have to recognise the necessity of a socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, necessary on the basis of unity of actions to take the following steps on establishing ties with work collectives:
1) it is necessary to follow the situation in the workers’ movement of a given region, note where workers are taking action and assist the workers in their struggle along the lines of providing methodological and organisational assistance, by way of legal assistance, distributing literature and leaflets, support both moral and material etc., etc. (more detailed has been written above):
2) study Russia’s labour law, the practical side of the given legislation so that communists can assist the workers in providing them with legal aid, for example, when forming a trade union, political strike committee, when defending workers during dismissal, in court etc..
3) study the experience of the political and economic strike struggle of the workers during the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR (mainly in 1994-1998) its weak and strong sides, study the experience of the struggle of separate collectives for their rights and interests, draw conclusions and analysis in order to assist the workers in their struggle and not to allow a repeat by them of the mistakes of the previous stages of the struggle.
4) study the atmosphere inside major industrial collectives which is prevalent among the workers, their mood and especially what concerns the workers, what mistreatment at enterprises angers the workers most at a given enterprise; summarise all of this, by possibility print for the workers thematic works on problems of the workers, their solution at the given concrete enterprise, try to organise the workers and raise them up to fight.
5) work inside trades union at enterprises, study the situation inside trade union, show and explain to the workers about the treacherous, appeasing role of the trades unions hierarchies, to assist the workers where necessary, to form new trades unions for protecting the interests of the working people;
6) work towards getting so that at each enterprise or establishment there is a representative of the AUCPB, supporters, sympathizers via whom we can know the atmosphere of the given enterprise and distribute our literature and leaflets;
7) it is especially essential to try and get out amongst the working youth who do not the have the "syndrome" of the former Soviet workers with their distrust towards the communists, with their bygone dependence, with their fatigue from struggle, from chitter chatter, loud talk and empty pledges; the working youth is more perceptive to revolutionary ideas, to the ideas of socialism, more sharply reacts to mistreatment by the factory management, to the low living standards of life although at least, or at most (since they never lived under socialism) they are fooled spiritually by the mass media.
6) On unity in action of all communist parties in the localities in the cause of defending the rights and interests of the working masses
The spilt inside the communist movement in Russia today is strongly affects the condition of the modern-day workers’ movement. One cannot but notice the justice in the assertion of many workers that the split inside the communist movement does not help in unifying efforts of all communists in the struggle for the direct interests of the working class.
unification of communists in the localities must take place along the line of unity of actions in defending the concrete rights and interests of the working class and all working people, and only via this unity of actions in the localities can one achieve a unified political line, then after that ideological and organisational unity.
Unity of actions of the communists in the localities, in the regions must be brought about via the formation of Coordinating Councils of all forces in opposition to the regime, primarily communist and truly patriotic organisations and movements. Each organisation and movement that enters the coordinating council directs their own representative into this coordinating body who is designated for agreeing to the planning of a single united tactic for solving a concrete problem. Problems and question may vary to a large degree, for example;
1) joint participation in holding a meeting, demonstration, march and other acts of protest by the working people;
2) the printing of a united for distribution among participators in the act of protest;
3) the holding of joint meetings and conferences on questions of the workers’ movement in Russia and on other theoretical questions, the organising of discussions, exchange of opinion etc.;
4) joint support for political prisoners in the region;
5) the working out of a single tactic in relation to a concrete question, for example in relation to the transfer of education over onto a commercial basis, the erosion of bourgeois-democratic freedoms, the high communal service charges etc., etc..
6) joint planning of a tactic in connection with parliamentary and presidential elections, in connection with elections to local authorities;
7) joint participation and support of the strike movement in the regions, the working out of united actions, summarising of the experience of the strike struggle etc. etc..
Such a Coordinating (Consultative) body must meet for example, one a month and in the case of a concrete question, immediately for the purpose of agreeing the tactics for action of all parties and movements that make up the this body.
"The main moving force for reviving socialism - is the revolutionary working class. But today to a certain degree, it scattered, disorganised, tormented, psychologically suppressed, experience the powerful disinformation pressing on part of all mass media that stands at the service of the mafia state. In addition to that, due to the treachery of the working class by a party calling itself the "mind, honour and conscience of the epoch", the workers have been deprived of their vanguard and in their masses are tearing away the communists from their environment. Hence the visible disassociation between the communists and the workers’ movement…
The most important task of the entire communist movement at the present stage is the instilling into the consciousness of the workers, of Marxist-Leninist ideas and giving the workers’ movement an organised character. We need to assist the working class in returning belief in itself, recognise its own strength, its own historical mission as the revolutionary class of the epoch, as the main moving force of the present-day world process. Together with their allies - the peasantry and working intelligentsia - the working class can fulfil its historic mission - to revive our great power - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the hope of all deprived and oppressed people on Earth.
"And our task, the task of the communists Marxist-Leninists - is to assist the workers in the class struggle which they have already begun, to assist them in defending and representing the interests of the entire workers’ movement" (Speech by N.A. Andreeva at the III Congress of Peoples of the USSR "For unity of actions of all communist forces" Serp I Molot 1997 No 4)
A. KRYELNKO
Member of the AUCPB (All Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)
Novosibirsk
(Serp I Molot No12 2006)
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No.: 30-93-60, 02312361 (Lloyds TSB).
No 3 (48) MARCH 2007
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CONTENTS
1---- 8 MARCH, COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY!
2---- REPORT OF COMRADE S.V. KRISTYENKO DEVOTED TO 127 BIRTHDAY OF J.V. STALIN (THE INNER PARTY OPPOSITION 1920 - 1938)
3---- TO THE WORKERS' MOVEMENT - AN ORGANISED CHARACTER!
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8 MARCH, COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY!
THE ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLSHEVIKS (AUCPB) CONGRATULATES OUR WOMEN READERS AND DISTRIBUTORS OF BOLSHEVIK PRESS MATERIAL AND ALL WOMEN WORKERS ON 8 MARCH - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY - A COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION!
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The report of comrade S.V. Khristenko at the All-Union scientific-practical conference devoted to the 127-th anniversary from the date of the birth of J.V.Stalin
INNER-PARTY OPPOSITION 1920-1938
The theme of my speech is the course of struggle against inner-party opposition in the first twenty years of Soviet power, till 1938. The struggle was very active, actually - continuous. I shall stop, first of all, on questions on the methods and the purposes of oppositional struggle of those years, about their evolution, about results of the struggle, about the significance of this struggle for the history of our Soviet Fatherland, and for the present too.
I shall mention only the major stages of the struggle: the discussion "About trade unions" (1920), discussions in connection with the publication of articles by Trotsky " the New Policy ", " About the lessons of October " (1923-1924), " New opposition " (1925), discussion "About the social democratic deviation in CPSU(b) (1926), Events of 1927, Trotsky's and Zinovyev's expulsion from the Central Committee, the long struggle against right deviation - Buharin, Rykov, Tomsky (1928-1930). The opposition was broken at the head in the open party struggle and turned to underground, terrorist methods. The natural result: the murder of Kirov, and the well known processes of 1934-1938.
First of all - it is necessary to understand, that struggle against opposition at all was not a personal struggle of Stalin - Trotsky, Stalin - Zinovyev etc. It was, first of all, a struggle of ideas, a struggle of various plans of construction of socialism in the USSR, of a very differing vision of parity of class forces.
Under the influence of speeches by the opposition against the policy of the party in 1920, the X Congress adopted the resolution "About unity of the party", written by Lenin's hand where it says: "congress orders to dismiss immediately everything, without exception, formed on this or that platform or groups, and charges to all organizations to more strictly watch for and not allow any fractional speeches. Non-abidance to this decision of congress carries unconditional and immediate expulsion from the party ".
This fundamental document always caused rabid hate of the oppositionists. Divergences between party and opposition were not on minor, but, as a rule, on the major questions of party and state construction.
So, in the known discussion about trade unions and their place in the Soviet state system, there arose in 1920 "the workers' opposition" that suggested the organizing of the management of the national economy through the All-Russia Congress of manufacturers, united in the professional industrial unions (trades unions). Lenin specified, that " the ideas underlying it and other similar applications, are radically wrong theoretically, being a complete break with Marxism and communism ". The X Congress decided concerning the "working opposition": "1. To recognize the necessary steady and systematic struggle against these as "ideas"; 2. To recognize propagation of these ideas (i.e. anarcho-syndicalism, Ñ.Õ.) as incompatible with belonging to the Russian Communist Party (RCP)".
In autumn of 1923 there was the catastrophic problem of "price cuts" between the prices for agricultural products and for products of industry. With what should the party be guided by in solving this question? The party consistently defended the position that only the alliance of the proletariat with the labouring peasantry can lead to the victory of socialism. The opposition stood on the point of view of exploitation of the middle peasant economy, denying as a whole the "socialist potential" of the peasant masses. This was fixed in the "theory" Preobrazhensky about the so-called law "on initial socialist accumulation". The party rejected the Trotskyite view on the peasant economy as a "colony" of the proletariat, and decided that it is necessary "to involve the great mass of the peasantry in the cooperative organization and to provide this organization with socialist development, overcoming and superseding its capitalist elements". The widely developed after collectivization of agriculture strengthened the alliance of the working class with the great masses of peasantry - poor and middle peasants.
The major significance for the determination of the correct policy of construction of socialism in the USSR in conditions of the outlined stabilization of world capitalism had discussions about the opportunity of construction of socialism in one separately taken country. The XIV party conference (1925) in its decision wrote down: " The experience of the Russian revolution has proved, that such first victory in one country not only is possible, but under a number of favorable circumstances this first country of victorious proletarian revolution can hold on and be strengthened for the long period even in that case when its support does not pour out in the form of direct proletarian revolutions in other countries ". Further the resolution is wisely noted: " The FINAL victory of socialism in the sense of a full guarantee from restoration of bourgeois relations is possible ONLY internationally (or in the several DECIDING countries) ".
In this formulation - the direct answer to the obstinate the theory defended by Trotsky that in such country as agrarian Russia, with domination of the peasant population, it is impossible to build a complete socialist society without "state help" of countries more developed in the technical and economic sense.
The question on industrialization in the USSR was solved in the furious struggle against the opposition. Before the XIV congress (autumn of 1925) there were many publications by oppositional figures saying that the USSR for a long time should remain an agrarian country on the advantage, exporting on an increasing scale a lot of agricultural products and instead of them, importing equipment and other goods. These views were developed, in particular, by Shanin, and they were supported by Sokol'nikov.
The congress rejected such ideas. It decided, that it is necessary " to provide for the USSR economic independence, preserving it from transformation into an appendage of the capitalist world economy and to head for industrialization of the country, development of manufacture of means of production and formation of reserves for economic maneuvering ".
As a whole, the struggle of a party and opposition went on the broad audience of questions: about sources of financing of industrialization (the opposition says - it is necessary to increase taxes on the middle peasant, leave high prices on industrial goods, the Central Committee says - it is necessary to reduce prices, with that - improvement of economic situation of working class and peasantry), concerning liquidation of unemployment (the opposition demagogically demanded - to liquidate unemployment within one year, the Central Committee answered - liquidation of unemployment is possible only in process of root changes in the national economy).
What methods did the opposition use at various stages of the struggle against the party? Having begun in 1920 a struggle against the party with correct methods of inner-party discussion, from the open statement of the ideological positions, the opposition, suffering one defeat after another, had rolled down to double-dealing - one spoke obviously, and other decisions were adopted at secret meetings, published in their bulletins for closed use. Corresponding rules of conspiracy were introduced, underground printing houses were organized. In 1927 things got so bad that the audiotorium in Baumansky school (ÌVÒU) where the members of the Central Committee and TsiK were not admitted was violently seized. They were met by threats and fists. On November, 7th, 1927 groups of Trotskyites tried to shout out during a celebratory demonstration oppositional slogans and toasts in honour of leaders of the opposition. The disgraceful way in the 1930-s of the opposition was completed by their service to foreign spies, the organization of sabotage in the national economy, the murder of objectionable to them honest party workers, and military plots against the Soviet power.
So, close to Trotsky, E.A. Dreitser admitted, that in 1934 he had received Trotsky's written instruction on the preparation of an act of terrorism against Comrades Stalin and Voroshilov. The content of the letter of Trotsky was short. It began with the following words: "Dear friend! Pass this on, that for today before us stand the following primary goals: the first - to remove Stalin and Voroshilov, the second - to develop work on the organization of cells in the army, the third - in case of war to use any failures and confusion for the seizing of power".
The XV congress (1927) ascertained, that the opposition had ideologically broken off with Leninism. Considering, that disagreements between party and opposition from tactical ones growing into party program disaggreements, that the Trotskyite opposition objectively became the factor of anti-soviet struggle, the XV congress has declared to be an accessory to the Trotskyite opposition and propagation of its views incompatible with belonging to the ranks of the Bolshevik party.
After being exiled abroad in 1929 Trotsky began to wear the policy of the CPSU (B) practically on all questions, "in a black way". The published by him "Bulletin of the opposition" demanded the dissolution of state farms, abolition of a greater part of collective farms. Trotsky called for the suspension of the "prize-winning gallop of industry", that was as a matter of fact, a rejection of industrialization. Trotsky christened the sincere enthusiasm of workers-Stakhanovites as insidiousness of the Kremlin ", in the program document written by him there was even a slogan "down with the Stakhanovite movement". In the article "The New Constitution of the USSR " Trotsky called for the rejection of a one-party system as a structure of Soviet society as it ostensibly "creates favorable enough opportunities for the formation of several parties". For Trotsky these were not simply appeals, - the Trotskyites in the USSR had set up underground organizations for the purpose of coming to power through a "political revolution" . On the aggression of Germany in France, Trotsky responded with a statement which came under the name "We shall not change our policy" which was distributed in France as a leaflet. Armed resistance against the hitlerite troops Trotsky declared as "incompatible with internationalism".
The struggle of the party, the Stalin Central Committee, against the opposition was actually continuous. Was it necessary to spend energy and strength on an uncompromising struggle against the opposition? I shall cite the opinion of the enemy - Adolf Hitler. The leader of nazi Germany by dignity evaluated Stalin's political foresight. Speaking on May, 8th, 1943 at a meeting with with the Reichleiters and Hauleiters, the Fuhrer with irritation ascertained, that Stalin had that advantage, that in the USSR "there does not remain practically any opposition", that "Bolshevism on time freed itself from this threat and can direct therefore all energy on the struggle against the enemy", and this, Hitler noted, "has put an end to defeatism."
The role that J.V.Stalin personally played in the ideological and organizational defeat of the opposition is huge. The struggle against the slogans of the opposition was the hardest thing having demanded a thorough analysis of them, a comparison of them to the works of the classics with the real political and economic situation, revealing the unworkability or inaccuracies of those, or other appeals of the opposition, the proof of it laid out in simple and convincing language. And Stalin proved to be the greatest master in this struggle. In Stalin's works about fifty five works are devoted entirely or in a significant part to questions of struggle against the opposition.
At the XVI congress in 1930, Stalin gave a deep characteristic of the social nature of the deviations that existed in the party. Stalin paid attention to the fact that the working class is not separated by "a Chinese wall" from other classes that it lives not in "vacuum", that the environment consists of various classes and social groups.
A socialist attack causes resistance by the classes that are becoming obsolete. A reflection of resistance of those classes becoming obsolete also are all kinds of deviations from the Leninist line in the ranks of the party. A socialist attack therefore demands a ruthless, uncompromising struggle against deviations and especially with right deviation as the main danger at the given stage. Though the Trotskyites and right opportunists reflect the moods of the dying off classes, between them there is also an essential difference.
Stalin in his speech said: " … The essence Trotskyism consists, first of all, in the denying of the opportunity of constructing of socialism in the USSR by the forces of the working class and peasantry of our country", " in denying the chance of involving the main masses of peasantry in the cause of socialist construction in the countryside", " in denying the necessity of iron discipline in the party, in recognising of freedom of fractional groupings in the party, in the recognition of the necessity of the formation Trotskyite parties", "the strength of the right opportunism consists in the strength of petty-bourgeois elements, in the strength of pressure on the party from capitalist elements in general, from wealthier peasants (kulaks) - in particular ". Formally recognizing, unlike Trotskyites of the possibilty of building socialism in the USSR, the rightist deviationists did not recognize the ways of construction of socialism planned by the party or the inevitability and necessity of irreconcilable class struggle and the developed socialist approach to capitalist elements. They "slide over to the position in practice on the point of view of denying of the opportunity of construction of socialism in the USSR". "The core evils of right opportunism consists that it breaks off from the Leninist understanding of class struggle and slides over to the point of view of petty-bourgeois liberalism ".
Stalin called for "the continuing and henceforth uncompromising struggle on two fronts, against the "left", representing petty-bourgeois radicalism, and against the right, representing petty-bourgeois liberalism ".
How did Stalin treat the criticism of the opposition of him personally? Here are his words in a speech at a session of the unified plenum of the Central Committee and TsiK Of the CPSU (B) ÖÊÊ ÂÊÏ on October, 23rd, 1927 in the section "Some minor questions":" Comrades! I have little time, therefore I shall speak on separate questions. First of all on a personal moment. You heard here as Stalin's oppositionists diligently abuse, not regretting forces. It does not surprise me, comrades. That fact, that the main attacks are directed against Stalin, this fact speaks that Stalin knows, better, maybe, than some our comrades, the tricks of opposition, to inflate him, perhaps, not so easily, and here they direct the blow first of all against Stalin. Well, let them swear on..."
Having got acquainted with the ideological essence of discussions of 1920-s -1930-s, you understand, that as the perestroika slanderers against Marxism-Leninism, personally against Stalin, and present bourgeois "ideologists" scoop up their own "theoretical baggage" from the garbage bin where history threw that what already has been a very long time ago told-and is retold by different oppositional groupings in the 1920-s -1930-s that for a long time has been in detail exposed as a spiteful forgery, and resolutely rejected by the party.
The history of the oppositional struggle of the 1920-s -1930-s is not at all an "ancient legend", they are actual facts, only knowing of which we can correctly answer questions: "How did the Bolshevik party created by Lenin and nurtured by Stalin turn into a rotten CPSU which handed over everything - both heroic work and victims of generations of the Soviet people and destiny of the country - on demand to the mongrels - democrat-bastards and their transatlantic masters in yankland?", "How was it possible for the bourgoeisie to "suddenly" bring the great and proud Soviet people to their knees, the Soviet people - the victor?" "How was it possible to wreck the mighty Soviet Union?". There is no "suddenly" present here at all! Everything is the consequence of one thing - the rejection under influence of opportunism (Khruschevite, Brezhnevite opportunism) of the tested by time and struggle of the thesis of Bolshevism, including - the rejection of the strict requirement of ideological unity of the party, from that understanding, that false hypocracy has no place in a Bolshevik party!
To be able to expose the slander against Marxism-Leninism, against the great epoch of construction of socialism in our country, we should know history well of the party, thoroughly, in a Stalin-like way, to study the history of oppositional struggle, to be able to see in the "latest" approaches, in ostensibly Marxist theories, their rotten bourgeois essence.
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TO THE WORKERS MOVEMENT - AN ORGANISED CHARACTER!
On tasks of the communists in the affair of organising the workers movement and instilling Marxist -Leninist ideology into the consciousness of the working class
- CONTINUED FROM FEBRUARY 07 "FOR BOLSHEVISM"
- The orientation of the main mass of workers and all working people not towards a class struggle against the attack of capital in the period of the restoration of capitalism, when in society there was a high level of tension of revolutionary struggle, but towards dead-end parliamentary games playing by the rules of the bourgeoisie, towards class collaboration with the exploiters - by fault of Zyuganovite social democracy and Shmakovskyite trade unions;
It is well know what role social democracy and traitorous trade unions play in the conditions of capitalist society. It is an agent of monopoly capital in the workers’ movement, propagators of bourgeois influence over the proletariat. The CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) together with the treacherous Shmakovskyite trades unions propagate bourgeois ideology in the workers’ movement, a rejection of revolutionary methods of struggle, a rejections of the struggle for socialism, sow parliamentary illusions among working people, the ideology of class collaboration between the exploiters and those who are being exploited give up to anathema Marxist -Leninist ideology as the only truly scientific theory. All this leads to a strengthening of the influence of bourgeois ideology on the proletariat, towards a weakening of the socialist ideology. One also cannot but notice also the definite role of the policy of appeasement and compromise in relation to right opportunism, when dubious election factions form blocks with the CPRF, when several people calling themselves communists harness themselves to the common team of "parliamentary cretinism" and impetuously extol the restorative processes in Belarus, China under a hubbub of socialist rhetoric etc., and also the widely spread ideology of anti-Stalinism, Trotskyism, anarcho-syndicalism, "left" opportunism and other such petty bourgeois ideology in the communist movement providing noxious influence on the consciousness of the working people.
- The huge role in brainwashing social consciousness of the working people is played by the mass media, especially the television which day by day blackened and criticised the heroic Soviet past, the building by us of a socialist state in battles, they have discredited the great communist idea, the Marxist -Leninist ideology with the help of lies, deceit, falsification and garbling and they have spat upon the leading role of the communist party in Soviet society. More than that, with the aid of the mass media a false model of the only communist Zyuganov has been created who in reality is a betrayer and wrecker, an assistant and accomplice of the bourgeoisie in the cause of fooling the working masses.
A the result of raining down onto the consciousness of the working people a barrage of anti-Stalinism, anti-communism and anti-Sovietism, they have lost orientation in the present political atmosphere, have lost faith in the socialist future of the country, reject the Marxist -Leninist theory replacing it with different types of "ideas" and "little ideas" of various types of intriguing demagogues on the television and in the press, of "patriotic" rhetoric by the powers to be and the sickening pronouncements of the church hierarchy, the opportunist lullaby songs of the bourgeois agents in the workers’ movement. More than that, in society with the aid of the mass media, the cult of violence, debauchery, arbitrariness, individualism according to the principle, "I’m alright Jack", "it’s no concern of mine", "as long as I’m alright" etc., an unprecedented moral decay of society is well underway. The bourgeoisie is doing everything it can in order to transform the working people not just into economic slaves but also into spiritual, moral slaves demoralising them, instilling among them their own beastlike human -hating ideology and moral standards.
Such are the main factors of the objective and subjective order leading to the loss by the working class of socialist ideology, their class consciousness towards political apathy, to distrust in the socialist prospects of the development of our country.
3. The main task - is to bring Marxist-Leninist theory, socialist ideology into the working class.
From here flows the main task of the communists, if the latter stands on the positions of recognising the necessity of a socialist revolution and a dictatorship of the proletariat namely to instil into the minds of the working class Marxist -Leninist theory, socialist ideology, to return to the working class belief in its revolutionary possibilities, in the socialist perspective of the country’s development.
"Marxism -Leninism is the science about the laws of the development of nature and society, about a revolution of the oppressed and exploited masses, about the victory of socialism in all countries, about the construction of a communist society. The creators of Marxism -Leninism are the great leaders and teachers of the proletariat of the whole world K. Marx, F. Engels, V.I.Lenin, J.V. Stalin. (Large Soviet Encyclopaedia 2nd Edition).
Marxism -Leninism is the revolutionary ideology of the working class, the only true, only scientific, only revolutionary ideology pointing out the way and means for liberating the working masses from capitalist oppression, the paths and means for the construction of a new, communist society. Without arming the working class with Marxist-Leninist theory, without connecting the workers’ movement with scientific socialism, the proletariat and its allies, it will get lost in the darkness and will never be able to cast from itself the yoke of exploitation.
"…Social-democratic consciousness of the workers could not have been. It could only be brought in from outside. The history of all countries shows that the workers by their own strength can develop only trade unionist consciousness…"(V.I. Lenin).
"The question is put only this way: bourgeois or socialist ideology. There is no middle ground here…Therefore any deviation from it means a strengthening of bourgeois ideology (V.I. Lenin).
"….The worker’s movement without socialism - is like stamping one feet in the same place, in the framework of capitalism, lost around private ownership which if that leads at some time to a social revolution than who knows when and at what price of such torment" (J.V. Stalin).
"…In our time there can exist only two ideologies - socialist and bourgeois, and where the first one is absent the second one is definitely present (J.V. Stalin).
One of the main tasks of the communist movement in Russia at the present stage of development is its bolshevization, that is the crossover of it onto positions of revolutionary ideology of Marxism-Leninism, onto positions of Bolshevism, Leninism as Marxism in the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions. In short, the bolshevization of the communist movement in Russia means: - the shift of communist parties over onto positions of Leninism, this is the course set for a revolutionary change of the social political system;
- party building on the basis of democratic centralism, criticism and self criticism, strict conscious party discipline;
- decisive delimitation with opportunism, revisionism and petty bourgeois revolutionism;
- the proletariatization of the revolutionary movement, the freeing it from tailism, dependence, appeasement and capitulation.
The communist and workers movement becoming bolshevised and is Leninist is necessary because the idea becomes a force when it is possessed by the masses (Lenin).
The process of bolshevization in the communist movement regardless of anyone’s wishes, since it bases itself on the natural changes in the arrangement of class forces, on the inevitability of delimiting the revolutionary - proletarian wing of the communist movement from the opportunist, appeasing wing of petty bourgeois revolutionism. By not solving the question of the bolshevization of the communist movement on the territory of the USSR, one cannot count on a defeat of the bourgeois counter-revolution.
4. Some lessons from the strike movement - struggle of the working class in the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR.
It is necessary to in short to stop on the main lessons learned from the strike movement -struggle which had its place in the past in connection with the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. An analysis of these lessons is needed in order to reveal the weak and strong sides of the workers’ movement in Russia, since in present day conditions the strike struggle is continuing although it carries a single character.
Further, an analysis of this struggle is especially needed in order that in its wide development in the future, - and it will inevitably be loaded with a new force - to try to overcome its weaker sides, direct it into the channel of a wide political struggle, to achieve the aims and tasks set forth before the workers’ movement, namely - the overthrowing of the rule of the bourgeoisie, the victory of the proletarian revolution, establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviets of workers, peasants and working intelligentsia.
The relatively wide character of the strike movement in Russia in the period of the restoration of capitalism, especially in the period 1995- 1999 once again with especially large force confirms that in modern conditions there is only one revolutionary force in the country - this is the working class and its allies the peasantry and the working intelligentsia.
The strong side of the strike movement of this period is the participation in the strike of a wide circle of various ranks of the working people - those who went out on strike were not only workers, not just machine builders and miners, energy sector workers and workers in the nuclear industry but also other ranks of the working people - teachers and doctors, scientists and workers in pedagogy, pensioners and the youth, communication workers etc. in a word, in the strike struggle there took part also the allies of the proletariat in struggle - and foremost the representatives of the working intelligentsia.
Further, the strike struggle all the more gained a organised character, strike committees, workers’ Soviets, salvage committees and other organs of running the strike struggle were formed. There were rare occasions when workers went out on strike without forming any of the above fighting organs.
There were often cases although not that many, when workers showed much needed solidarity and unity, when several collectives went out on strike supporting each other when the collective like a single entity in unity defending its interests, when several regions of the country rose up to the struggle (the miners). In this case the workers from their own experience were convinced that being organised - is the main weapon of the working class in the struggle against the attack of capital.
Together with strikes that were either political or economic in their demands, the working people used other more decisive forms of class struggle of the proletariat and namely: blocking main roads in the towns and cities including railway lines, blocking entrances into factories and plants, administration buildings, taking directors and other managers of the factory administration and local power bodies hostage and others. And although such cases were rare, with the exception of blocking transport, the bourgeoisie are especially afraid of namely such revolutionary, unauthorised methods of struggle when the working masses, brought to a state of desperation, defy bourgeois legality and take on decisive methods of struggle. One can remember in this case the experience of the Soviets way back during Tsarist times when workers in defiance seized control over enterprises and established revolutionary order in the town regardless and despite all the existing laws and in defiance of these laws.
But at the same time, the workers’ movement of this time had its defects which defined the main contours and face of this movement, namely:
1) Strikes were mostly local in character, not expanding any further than a single enterprise of region; the workers’ strikes were disunited, disconnected with each other.
2) Despite that various ranks of the working people took part in the strikes, not just from industrial production but all those in the sphere of education and healthcare were few in number.
3) The working people in the main put forward mainly economic demands and mainly to demand to end wage arrears and if political demands were made it was mainly for the president and government to resign;
4) The strikes by workers occurred spontaneously, without a planned preparation of the strike and workers aimed to distance themselves from the communists and they did not trust them; the communists do not lead the struggle of the workers;
5) The workers obviously lacked organisation, unity and solidarity; among workers’ collectives only a small number went out on strike; the other workers’ collectives as a rule did not support those workers of other collectives who went out on strike; after their salaries were paid they went back to work.
The main thing that the working class was unable to achieve was the imparting a mass character to the political strike committees, economic strike committees, Soviets of workers and other bodies of political -economic strike struggle and transforming them into alternative organs of power, into organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat, an exit of the struggle of the workers into true duel power. Such is the main lesson of the political-economic strike struggle of that period.
The task of the communists in the period of the wide development of the strike struggle, as analysis of this struggle shows must include the helping of the workers overcome the economism of their demands, helping them to take action in an organised manner and united in solidarity with other collectives and exit onto the path of a general political struggle, onto the path of a general political strike, onto the path of true duel power. The task will be in imparting the movement with a mass and political character, in directing it along the path of a general political strike along the path of winning political power by the working people, by way of smashing the old state power bodies and creating new organs of power - of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviets.
The strategic aim must be - the transformation of the political - economic strike committees into Soviets as primary organs of Soviet power with the presence of a revolutionary situation and with the consequent establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat by way of a socialist revolution.
With this the communists must provide concrete help to worker collectives in their struggle for their rights, namely:
1) in solving concrete questions of survival of the labouring people and preserving work places, preserving enterprises;
2) in establishing ties of those out on strike with collectives of other enterprises and agricultural workers;
3) in working out economic and other demands;
4) in providing organisational, methodical and legal aid to striking collectives;
5) in the moral and according to possibilities material support to the striking collectives;
6) in providing political assistance to striking workers by way of organising meetings and other acts of protest;
7) in defending activists of the workers’ movement from persecution on part of the factory management and local authorities;
8) in coordinating the activity of the political and economic strike committees, Soviets of workers and other proletarian organisations between various enterprises in a given region;
9) in the obtaining and spreading of the experience of the political and economic strike committees;
10) in consolidating all results of the strikes
5. The main paths and means in the cause of establishing ties with working class and workers’ movement
Despite the sharp decline in the strike movement in 2000 - 2003, in present-day conditions the struggle of the workers for their rights is continuing against the attack by capital. Evidence bear witness to the fact that in 2004 - 2005 a fresh uplift in the strike movement has been observed. Even according to facts by official statistics the number of organisations where strikes took place in 2004 were 1/3 the level of 1997 (the peak year of the strike movement in the 1990-s)s, and the number of workers taking part in strikes stood at a quarter. However in 2005 a drop in the strike movement occurred. More than that, the weak sides of the strike movement in the 1990-s are completely inherent to the strikes of recent years.
But now the workers of enterprises are already putting forth demands not just about wage arrears but also and widely putting forward other demands for example, for pay rises, preserving the enterprise, against layoffs, in defending activists of the movement , trades unions and other. The workers in opposition to the Shmakovskyite trade unions formed their own workers unions defending their own interests and rights. But at the same time during 2006, the number of strikes at major enterprises could be counted one hand, only a few (miners in Kazakhstan, Ford, VEKS, Kholodmash and others). More than that, the spreading of strikes across various regions was not equal, namely: they in the main take place in certain regions and oblasts. The main mass of workers are not carrying out a struggle against capital, do not rise up to the struggle for their rights and interests. According to statistics (which of course do not fully reflect the true level of strikes), in 2005 84.6 thousand people took part in strikes and this with a multi million mass of working people with a 30 million size working class of Russia.
Nonetheless the strike struggle of the workers is underway and here there is something for the communists to think about working on.
One of the main tasks of the communists, one of the main directions of their activity as was earlier said is the establishment of ties with the workers’ movement, the leadership on part of the communists with the class struggle of the proletariat and all the labouring masses.
The bourgeoisie in modern conditions of strengthening of political and ideological reaction has temporarily been successful in the decline of the workers’ movement, the strengthening in the ranks of the of the workers of petty bourgeois-philistine moods, political apathy, distrust in the possibility of a revolutionary struggle for power of the working people, for improving their material being. The working class today in its common mass is not accepting Marxist-Leninist ideology, is turning its back on the communists, does not listen to their propaganda and agitation, to their calls for a revolutionary struggle against the attack of capital for its vital rights and interests and for its own existence.
Much has been said about the reason for political passiveness of the masses and the main reason is the distrust of the working class and all the working people to the communists, a completely natural and just distrust, originating not out of nothing but was conditioned by the treachery of the leadership of the CPSU and the CPRF, betraying the root interests of the proletariat, the substitution by them of concrete vital work in the cause of defending the interests of the working people by some useless talking-shop, empty pledges, parliamentary games, that is to say, that what summons justified repugnance on part of the working people.
From here and our main task - to return the lost trust of the working people to the communists, return by way of concrete help to the working people in their difficult for their rights by way of consistent defending of their root interests in the struggle against capital. If the working people again fail to see that namely communists express their aspirations and interests then one will not be able to talk of any fruitful work by the communists.
The struggle for hearts, minds and sympathies of people - this is namely the necessary and correct approach in the work of the communists in all places. Public opinion needs to be won over onto our side via real deeds when providing true assistance primarily to stratum of the population who really need it. Via real work and assistance in the localities the communists can return the trust of the working class and working people to the communists, trust undermined by the policy of the CPSU and CPRF especially during the years of perestroika and bourgeois reforms.
The given problem cannot be solved by "horseman" attack, it is necessary to be prepared for difficult, persistent and lengthy work in the cause of socialist enlightenment of the masses, in the cause of returning the trust of the masses to the communists, in the cause of reviving the attractiveness of the socialist ideology among the working people in the cause of the organisation of the struggle of the working people for their rights and interests.
For solving this task the communists in the localities must:
1) carry out a decisive uncompromising struggle against opportunism, revisionism and petty bourgeois hurrah revolutionism in the workers’ movement, to defend the Marxist- Leninist theory from attacks from the opportunists and their obvious and less obvious accomplices.
2) carry out persistent, painstaking explanatory work amongst the population relative to the true aims of the communists, to reveal the exploitative and savage essence of modern day bourgeois society, the bourgeois essence of the powers to be, to unmask the bourgeois lies against our heroic Soviet past and socialism.
3) to assist the working people in their difficult struggle for their concrete rights and interests, for their own existence, for their survival in severe conditions of capitalist reality.
4) to decisively stop the mood of pessimism and uncertainty in the communist environment, among our militant comrades, unmask the whiners, cowards, capitulators, scabs and strike-breakers among the communists.
"A revolution cannot be carried out or placed in a queue on hold. A revolution cannot be carried out to order - a revolution grows" (Lenin v36 p 458 Russian).
"One cannot predict the flow of a revolution … nether can it be summonsed. One can only work to the benefit of the revolution (ibid).
"A general belief in revolution is already a start of a revolution" (v 9 p 159).
"Not one revolution can be carried out by a party, it is carried out by the people only (K. Marx and F. Engels v 45 p475 Russian)
From these Lenin quotes, our main task is defined - TO WORK TOWARDS REVOLUTION.
If the main character and direction of our work is defined in the cause of the organisation of the class struggle of the proletariat and its Marxist-Leninist education, then one can use the words of Lenin spoken by him at the dawn of the social-democratic movement in Tsarist Russia, namely "… The entire strength of the movement - lies is in the organised workers of major factories, either large factories (and manufacturing plants include in themselves not just large numbers of workers but large influence, development, its ability to fight for the whole working class Every factory should be our fortress". (Lenin works Russian v 7 p 15).
This is the main task - namely : to go into the factories and plants, quarries and mines, to major enterprises, work amongst the labour collectives, assist the workers in their fight, raise them up to the level of struggle, to win them over onto our side. How can this be achieved? In this lies the main question and the main difficulty today for communists.
I think that in modern-day conditions of political and ideological reaction to the communists in the regions regardless of what party they are in, they will soon have to recognise the necessity of a socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, necessary on the basis of unity of actions to take the following steps on establishing ties with work collectives:
1) it is necessary to follow the situation in the workers’ movement of a given region, note where workers are taking action and assist the workers in their struggle along the lines of providing methodological and organisational assistance, by way of legal assistance, distributing literature and leaflets, support both moral and material etc., etc. (more detailed has been written above):
2) study Russia’s labour law, the practical side of the given legislation so that communists can assist the workers in providing them with legal aid, for example, when forming a trade union, political strike committee, when defending workers during dismissal, in court etc..
3) study the experience of the political and economic strike struggle of the workers during the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR (mainly in 1994-1998) its weak and strong sides, study the experience of the struggle of separate collectives for their rights and interests, draw conclusions and analysis in order to assist the workers in their struggle and not to allow a repeat by them of the mistakes of the previous stages of the struggle.
4) study the atmosphere inside major industrial collectives which is prevalent among the workers, their mood and especially what concerns the workers, what mistreatment at enterprises angers the workers most at a given enterprise; summarise all of this, by possibility print for the workers thematic works on problems of the workers, their solution at the given concrete enterprise, try to organise the workers and raise them up to fight.
5) work inside trades union at enterprises, study the situation inside trade union, show and explain to the workers about the treacherous, appeasing role of the trades unions hierarchies, to assist the workers where necessary, to form new trades unions for protecting the interests of the working people;
6) work towards getting so that at each enterprise or establishment there is a representative of the AUCPB, supporters, sympathizers via whom we can know the atmosphere of the given enterprise and distribute our literature and leaflets;
7) it is especially essential to try and get out amongst the working youth who do not the have the "syndrome" of the former Soviet workers with their distrust towards the communists, with their bygone dependence, with their fatigue from struggle, from chitter chatter, loud talk and empty pledges; the working youth is more perceptive to revolutionary ideas, to the ideas of socialism, more sharply reacts to mistreatment by the factory management, to the low living standards of life although at least, or at most (since they never lived under socialism) they are fooled spiritually by the mass media.
6) On unity in action of all communist parties in the localities in the cause of defending the rights and interests of the working masses
The spilt inside the communist movement in Russia today is strongly affects the condition of the modern-day workers’ movement. One cannot but notice the justice in the assertion of many workers that the split inside the communist movement does not help in unifying efforts of all communists in the struggle for the direct interests of the working class.
unification of communists in the localities must take place along the line of unity of actions in defending the concrete rights and interests of the working class and all working people, and only via this unity of actions in the localities can one achieve a unified political line, then after that ideological and organisational unity.
Unity of actions of the communists in the localities, in the regions must be brought about via the formation of Coordinating Councils of all forces in opposition to the regime, primarily communist and truly patriotic organisations and movements. Each organisation and movement that enters the coordinating council directs their own representative into this coordinating body who is designated for agreeing to the planning of a single united tactic for solving a concrete problem. Problems and question may vary to a large degree, for example;
1) joint participation in holding a meeting, demonstration, march and other acts of protest by the working people;
2) the printing of a united for distribution among participators in the act of protest;
3) the holding of joint meetings and conferences on questions of the workers’ movement in Russia and on other theoretical questions, the organising of discussions, exchange of opinion etc.;
4) joint support for political prisoners in the region;
5) the working out of a single tactic in relation to a concrete question, for example in relation to the transfer of education over onto a commercial basis, the erosion of bourgeois-democratic freedoms, the high communal service charges etc., etc..
6) joint planning of a tactic in connection with parliamentary and presidential elections, in connection with elections to local authorities;
7) joint participation and support of the strike movement in the regions, the working out of united actions, summarising of the experience of the strike struggle etc. etc..
Such a Coordinating (Consultative) body must meet for example, one a month and in the case of a concrete question, immediately for the purpose of agreeing the tactics for action of all parties and movements that make up the this body.
"The main moving force for reviving socialism - is the revolutionary working class. But today to a certain degree, it scattered, disorganised, tormented, psychologically suppressed, experience the powerful disinformation pressing on part of all mass media that stands at the service of the mafia state. In addition to that, due to the treachery of the working class by a party calling itself the "mind, honour and conscience of the epoch", the workers have been deprived of their vanguard and in their masses are tearing away the communists from their environment. Hence the visible disassociation between the communists and the workers’ movement…
The most important task of the entire communist movement at the present stage is the instilling into the consciousness of the workers, of Marxist-Leninist ideas and giving the workers’ movement an organised character. We need to assist the working class in returning belief in itself, recognise its own strength, its own historical mission as the revolutionary class of the epoch, as the main moving force of the present-day world process. Together with their allies - the peasantry and working intelligentsia - the working class can fulfil its historic mission - to revive our great power - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the hope of all deprived and oppressed people on Earth.
"And our task, the task of the communists Marxist-Leninists - is to assist the workers in the class struggle which they have already begun, to assist them in defending and representing the interests of the entire workers’ movement" (Speech by N.A. Andreeva at the III Congress of Peoples of the USSR "For unity of actions of all communist forces" Serp I Molot 1997 No 4)
A. KRYELNKO
Member of the AUCPB (All Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)
Novosibirsk
(Serp I Molot No12 2006)
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