WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
FOR BOLSHEVISM
FOR BOLSHEVISM
INSIDE THE COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' MOVEMENT
MARCH 2008 No 3 (60)
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ON THE 90TH ANNNIVERSARY SINCE THE FORMATION OF THE SOVIET RED ARMY
CONGRATULATIONS
The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks warmly congratulates the citizens of the Soviet Union – fighters for the revival of our great Socialist Motherland – on the 90th Anniversary since the formation of the glorious and legendary Soviet Red Army, under Soviet power having gained strength in the invincible Armed Forces of the USSR, having defeated the fascist German hordes in the period of the Second World War and having saved the peoples of the world from destruction or slavery in the enclaves of the Nazi Reich.
We wish our Soviet citizens especially those veterans of the Great Patriotic War, good health, happiness, and mutual understanding and respect in their families, as well as long years ahead.
We Bolsheviks believe in the victory over the forces of counterrevolution who having destroyed our country and the brotherhood of peoples of the USSR, having deceived and robbed the Soviet people, having betrayed the memory of those who remained on the battles fields defending Socialism and the peaceful, and secure in the morrow, life of their own children.
We despise the enemies of the Socialist Fatherland – the “democrats”, who conspired with world Zionism and after the death of J.V. Stalin unswervingly brought to life a policy directed at the destruction of our country – the USSR, at the establishment of world domination of the criminal human hating ideology of the newly appeared fascism-Zionism.
Long live the unity of all patriotic forces of the country in the struggle for the revival of the USSR!
N.A. Andreeva
General Secretary of the CC AUCPB
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MARCH 2 WE (?) “ELECT” A PRESIDENT FOR THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
On 2 March Russian presidential elections are going to be held. After “scrupulous” and “well thought out” work by the Central Electoral Commission on the selection of among the “most dignified” candidates on the list for the highest post in the state, for the post of top manager of the Russian criminal oligarchy, only five people remain.
D.A. Medvedyev- a personal friend of Putin (who he, Putin, knows well for a number of years when they worked jointly with Sobchak in Leningrad, and later in Putin’s command);
V.V. Zhirninovsky – the everlasting candidate for the post of president with the readiness to “pass over” (unscrupulously of course) votes of his supporters onto the more successful, or to the candidate picked by the ruling oligarchy;
G.A. Zyuganov – who wants to be president, in the case of him winning the most votes, he turns his back on his lawful victory and prefers to choose second place.
M.M. Kasyanov – ex RF premier democrat, recently organized the so-called “March of the Discontented” (Orange) dispersed violently by the truncheons of Russian riot cops OMON.
A.V. Bogdanov – Chairman of the Democratic Party of Russia.
Out of the above five candidates, two of them, Kasyanov and Bogdanov still had not (by 15 jan 08) handed in their documents to the Central Electoral Commission (CEC) for reginstering themselves as candidates for the post of president of the Russian Federation (RF)however it is well known that Kasyanov gathered the2 million signitures required and in the near future will hand the documents into the CEC. At the time of writing there is no information on Bogdanov.
From these five candiadates WHO can realistically become president of the RF? There are in our opinion only two – Medvedyev (the “succeeding prince”) who Putin back in November 2003 characterised as a “person of liberal democratic convictions, orientated towards the development of democracy and the market economy in Russia”, and ex-premier Kasyanov.
Putin has for a long time now been advertising Medvedyev as his sole successor under which the policy of Putin’s reforms will continue, including the so-called national projects.
Here is Medvedyev’s service record for the past few years: October 2002- representative of the president in the National Banking Council, since the end of 2003 – Head of presidential Aministration, from June 2004 – chairman of the Council of Directors of “Gazprom”, from June 2005 – First vice-Chairman of the government of the RF, from the end of January 2007 – Chairman if the POPECHITELSKOGO Counsil of the Association of Jurists of Russia (and First Vice Chairman of the Goverment of the RF.) These are the main stages in Medvedyev’s career. It is worth noting when characterizing his political orientation that it was namely Medvedyev, “….namely he is one of the firs in Petersburg, if not the whole of Russia, who thought up about how power could enter into a shareholder society whilst not breaking any of the existing laws not on land, but on land rent”. (St Petersburg Kurier 6/11/2003. Therefore the representatives of power, thanks to the judicial talent of Medvedyev have several official salaries made up out of the running of various shareholding of one wide profile for example, rail transport or branches of the mining or refining industry.
Medvedyev graduated state university with a degree in Law in 1987, in 1990 a Law aspirant. He was a candidate of judicial science . Medvedyev came from a family of professors of Jewish intelligentsia of St Petersburg. His wife – is Svetlana Linnik. They have a grown up son.
The other passing figure- is M.M. Kasyanov.
Who has the biggest chance of winning in the presidential elections in Russia and becoming President of the RF?
At the moment it is hard to tell since the election campaign (at the time of writing) has not been fully unfurled. They have an equal chance.
Medvedyev past the test in Davos where the world political and economic elite carry out their own type of casting of potential leaders (not just of Russia) and gained approval. A Voloshin (in the past- a head of the President’s Adminisration until Novembere 2003, now the Chairman of the council of Directors RAO EES RF) travelled to the US in November 2007 to apply “pressure” on the “Washington Obkom” (the Committee of 300). There he had 8 meetings with high-ranking officials of the White House and made a speech at a private evening meal in the centre of Carnegie.
At the end of December 2007 in one of his interviews to the central TV channel, Medvedyev declared the forthcoming transfer of state corporations in the hands of private capital which invigorated our oligarchy immensely . He contantly swears allegince in the media to the continuation of the policy of Putin which calms everyone who has created their enormaous wealth on the backs of corruption and direct theft under Putin.
We can see right through that Putin himself has gained huge wealth amounting more than 40 billion US dollars according to information by political scientist Stanislav Belkovsky in his interview to the newspaper “Die Welt” . Quite a bit of time has past since since the publication of this information, but no official reaction has ever followed. Belkovsky has not been sent to court for insulting or slandering the president. Does this mean, Belkovsky’s information must be true? It turns out then that todays president Putin is twice as rich than any of the wealthiest Russian oligarchs. Where does the money come from? Let us remind ourselves of the interview by Oleg Deripaska, that they know how to pay their own top manager (president) who does not hinderthem in ther own work (not hinder them loot the peoples property- speaking in plain Russian that is). Therefore it is naïve to take seriously all those conversations by the ruling power about “the fight against corruption”.
M.M. Kasyanov, not being a member of any of the parliamentary parties had to hand into the CEC a minimum of 2 milliom signitures in order to be elgible to participate in the presidential election campaign, and that demands at least the sum of 10-15 million euro. (Kasyanov has already gathered that number of signitures). And what is more, no less than 200 thousand euro are required for the election campaign itself. That means Kasyanov has money. Such money could have been given to him by foreign sources (hypothetic money of the US state department in the coupe with Nevzlin, Hertzeriv and Berezovsky with their comrades) thanks to the fact that our oligarchs keep this money in West.
Kasyanov as an experienced pragmatic is very reserved in his judgments and actions, we predict not noticed in xenophobia and anti-Semitism, in corruption and in the assassinations against the sacred cow, private ownership. That is why he is supported by the West and his candidateship suits the US state department. How events will unfurl in the presidential election campaign , WHO will be the preferred candidate by the WEST (the Committee of 300), for the post of president of the RF will depend on a number of factors which still have not revealed themselves.
But in any case there is no difference in whether or not Medvedyev or Kasyanov will be the next president of the RF. The policy both domestic and foreign will remain the same as before. The WEST in the face of the Committee of 300 will choose the one who will best serve world capital and most obediently bring the policy of world capital to life. And therefore, the forthcoming elections promise to become an even bigger odious farce than the previous elections into the Russian State Duma –lower house of parliament. *
In the case of Kasyanov being elected as president of the RF, we can fully expect in Russia, an “orange revolution” with all the ensuing consequences for Russia as a result.
A few words about the kind of power being established in Russia. At the start of 1990-s, I gave the following answer to foreign correspondants to this question: “While the Russian bourgeoisie has not decided what “version” suits it the best, it will try different versions. This is the story around the successor (pseudo-successor) of the Czarist Romanov Dynasty given by Yeltsin in the cadet corps with the intention in the future to proclaim him to the throne of a revived Russian monarchy, having Yeltsin himself become a regent under an under -aged monarch. And the story surrounding a parliamentary republic with stuff shown on TV about noisy clashes and fights at sessions of the Russian State Duma, etc. etc.
With the necessary exist of Yeltsin from the post of president, the practically operating power in the Russian Federation – the oligarchs having gained for themselves our common peoples property and having becoming billionaires included in the list of wealthiest in the Forbes journal, they found a common language with the cold calculating (“if one may say so –sir”) Putin, and decided to stop on a monarchist, but bourgeois in essence, form of rule with throne succession not according to the principle of Czarist bloodline but the lackey-style loyalty of a bourgeois leader to oligarchic criminal capital – the real political and economic power in the RF, stopping on the rule of the “monarch”-president, on the outside formulating a bourgeois throne succession to look like democratic free elections.
Nowadays there is a lot of noisy chatter coming out of the media of the RF concerning the legalizing of the designation of persons of throne succession. Putin has been declared a common national leader(!). The coordinator of the “United Russia” party on national policy proposes the official establishment of an “institute of the national leader” being the highest personification by the institute of a representative of the power of the Russian people” with the transfer of power by a leader, to successor chosen by him. In the practical solution to this question, there are many aspects which our bourgeois political scientist cannot solve.
The realization of such a thing can lead only towards one thing – the official establishment of a fascist dictatorship in conditions of growing tension in society and the further stratification of it into superrich and extreme poor.
During the period of Putin’s rule we have not begun to live any better. We have simply been thrown a bone, or more likely a little bone just in order for us not to die of hunger immediately. The food dependence on supplies from the West exceeds twice that of the country’s strategic security. The majority of imported food is made up of products banned from being sold in the European Union due to poor quality or the presence of food stabilizers and additives which pose a danger to the health of the population. The country, like before, is living on the backs of selling off its raw materials – the predatory destruction, pumping from the core of its own national wealth, destroying its own industries and economy, transferring onto the territory of Russia, of western production with the simultaneous providing to the West of our highly qualified labour power. Delays in paying wages to workers continue to this day. The raising of pensions and wages from time to time does not compensate for inflation (exceeding the officially declared by twice), wiping out any governments additions. Access to qualified medicine has become impossible for the absolute majority of the population. Health and safety has fallen way back into the past having been replaced by a constant flow of accidents occurring at harmful and dangerous areas of production. The skyrocketing price hikes in communal housing sector and bad maintenance of the housing fund, with decades of non maintenance of housing is destroying the life of the ordinary person, especially pensioners. Dissatisfaction and disgruntlement in society is growing which is appearing in the form of the growing strike and protest movement in the country. The authorities respond accordingly by increasing the repressions against communists and patriots.
Worrying times await Russia. Oil and gas reserves are running out and new deposits are being developed very weakly. Consequently, in the near future, Russia will stop being the provider of “energy security of the West”, something to be proud of with all the ensuring consequences for Russia’s image and the state of its economy. If, in Turkmenia petrol, at the beginning of the year will be free for the inhabitants (nowadays for 1 dollar you can get 50 litres of fuel), then in Russia this year a growth of 15% in the price of petrol is expected making it the most expensive in the world.
The unfounded confidence of Mr. Medvedyev whilst on his visit to the free economic zone of Kaliningrad and his statement made there that on the back of imported Argentinean genetically modified soya, we will be able to revive animal husbandry in Russia, yes and be able to sell refined soya to other countries, sounds at the best, incompetent. Europe refuses to lift the ban on the import of GM food products, despite pressure on part of the USA on this question. Europe cares about the health of its population, but us……do we?
Analysts forecast a system crisis in the economy of Russia already in 2008 in conditions of total corruption. The flow of private capital has changed to the maximum outflow during the years of Putin’s rule, the liquidity of the banking system for 4 consecutive months has fallen more than twice, the economy has smoothly entered into a spiral of accelerating inflation and ending liquidity.
The advertised growth in the income of the population in figures is achieved on the backs of a growth in the income of 3 -5% of the wealthiest Russians. In 2008 we are going to be hit by an expanding crisis in the mortgage lending market and food price hikes, brought about by the production of biofuels (for primarily USA needs), instead of food stuffs, by reorientation of speculative capital made from mineral raw materials into agriproducts with a growth of China’s demand.
The “common national leader” has done his business, having turned out to be a good successor to Boris Yeltsin on the destruction of Russia, and can now go. Neither Medvedyev, the future copy to a certain degree of Putin, or Kasyanov can put the growing problems right and therefore the chances of any of us surviving are very small. For saving the country, it is necessary to change the entire policy and for that the whole system needs to be changed.
The future of Russia lies not in voting for puppets of the West that serve the interests of world capital, but in the unification of the working class of the town and country as well as the working intelligentsia into a single struggle for their social rights, for the establishment of true power of the working people. In connection with this, I believe it necessary to remind the reader of V.I. Lenin’s words: “The change of a bourgeois system over onto a proletarian system is impossible without a violent revolution” (Complete works v 33, p.22 V publication, Russian)
Nina Andreeva
General Secretary of the All –Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB)
15 Jan 2008, Leningrad
Key Address by Comrade Raul Castro Ruz, President of the Councils of State and Ministers - Closing Session of the First Session of the Seventh Legislature of the National Assembly of People's Power, International Convention Center, Havana, February 24, 2008, "Year 50 of the Revolution" -
Comrades:
As comrade Fidel alerted us in his fundamental Reflection of last January 14th, the people's mandate to this legislature is very clear: to continue strengthening the Revolution at a historical juncture which demands from us to be dialectic and creative.
The composition of the State Council, which has just been elected by this Assembly, raised much expectation both in Cuba and abroad. The most significant was clarified by comrade Fidel in his Message of February 18th. There is very little that I can add to what he said except to express to our people, on behalf of the Revolution's Leadership, our appreciation for the innumerable expressions of serenity, maturity, self-assurance, and the combination of genuine sadness and revolutionary determination.
I take on the responsibility entrusted to me deeply convinced that, as I have often said, there is only one Commander in Chief of the Cuban Revolution.
Fidel is Fidel; we all know it very well. Fidel is irreplaceable and the people shall continue his work when he is no longer physically with us; although his ideas will always be with us, the same ideas that have made it possible to build the beacon of dignity and justice our country represents.
The Communist Party, a sure guarantee of the unity of the Cuban nation, is the sole worthy heir to our people's confidence in its leader. It is the top leading force of our State and society as provided in Article 5 of our Constitution approved by referendum by exactly 97.7% of the voters.
This conviction shall become especially significant when as a fact of life the generation that founded and forged the Revolution is no longer present.
Fortunately, it is not that moment we are living today. Fidel is here, as always, with a very clear mind and his capacity to analyze and foresee perfectly intact and strengthened now that he can dedicate to studying and analyzing the countless hours he previously used to tackle the daily problems.
Despite his steady recovery, his physical condition will not allow him those endless working sessions -- often separated by hardly a few hours of rest -- that characterized his work practically from the moment he started the revolutionary struggle, the same that grew in intensity through the long years of the Special Period when he did not take one single day off.
Comrade Fidel's decision, a new contribution enhancing his example, ensures as from now the continuity of the Revolution and is perfectly consistent with a life guided by Martí's precept that: "All the glory of the world fits in a kernel of corn."
Likewise, his determination is unchangeable with regards to his decision to continue making his contribution to the revolutionary cause and to the most noble ideas and objectives of mankind, while he has the strength to do so.
Therefore, with the certainty that I am expressing the will of our people, I appeal to this Assembly, as the supreme body of the State power, to allow me to continue consulting with the maximum leader of the Revolution, comrade Fidel Castro Ruz, the decisions of special transcendence for the future of our nation, basically those associated to defense, foreign policy and the socioeconomic development of the country.
For this and for many other reasons, I shall rather often today quote some of the fundamental ideas and concepts expressed by him in his Reflections. I avail myself of this occasion to say that we should study them for they are educational and they show his capacity to look into the future. We should always bear in mind something that Raul Roa liked to say to those close to him: "Fidel hears the grass growing and sees what is happening around the corner."
Comrade Deputies:
I am aware of my responsibility to the people as I take on the task entrusted to me. But I am also convinced that as it has been the case until today, I can count on the support of those holding positions of responsibility at various levels, and even more importantly, I can count on the support of my compatriots without which a society like ours could not succeed.
The Assembly, in full compliance with the view of the Party's Political Bureau, elected comrade José Ramón Machado Ventura as First Vice President of the State Council and later approved his appointment as First Vice President of the Council of Ministers.
As I explained in my proposal to fill that position, it is convenient that under the present circumstances the same comrade takes on these two responsibilities in the State and Government, as it has been the case until now.
Considering his revolutionary life and convictions, his experience and knowledge, his qualification as a leader and a human being, there is no doubt that he meets the requirements to carry out these high duties.
Likewise, the assembly has agreed, in accordance with Article 75 of the Constitution, to analyze the composition of the Government in a future session later this same year. This is a timely decision, since we are not dealing only with appointments, but rather with decisions about which changes might be required in the system of institutions pertaining to the central administration of the State, and this needs more time.
During the first 15 years of the Revolution, the State structures inherited from capitalism were adjusted as we went along to undertake the tasks imposed by the radical economic, political and social changes.
The 1960's institutionalization process, however imperfect, enabled us to structure an articulate system corresponding to those circumstances. We were then able to put ourselves on a level with the socialist countries, in terms of both good and bad experiences.
Finally, in 1994, the most critical moment of the Special Period, considerable adjustments were made leading to the reduction and merging of institutions as well as to the redistribution of the tasks previously entrusted to some of them. However, these changes were undertaken with the rush imposed by the necessity to quickly adapt to a radically different, very hostile and extremely dangerous scenario.
In the fourteen years that have passed since then, the national and international scene has noticeably changed. Today, a more compact and operational structure is required, with a lower number of institutions under the central administration of the State and a better distribution of their functions. This will enable us to reduce the enormous amount of meetings, coordination, permissions, conciliations, provisions, rules and regulations, etc., etc. It will also allow us to bring together some decisive economic activities which are presently disseminated through various entities, and to make a better use of our cadres.
In summary, our Government's work must be more efficient.
The Assembly has been renovated in a higher proportion than the previous legislature. The number of women deputies has grown over seven percent; they now make up almost half of the legislature, over 43%. There is also an increase from 23 to 36 in the number of those between 18 and 30 years of age, that is, the youngest, although we also have a higher number of deputies who are over sixty.
It is very significant that a higher number of deputies are directly linked to production and services, that is, workers, farmers and other laborers. The same applies to members of the armed institutions, sportsmen, artists, writers, journalists and other professionals who, together with the student leaders and the comrades working in the people's councils make up over fifty percent of the Assembly.
These data and the simple enumeration of the tasks discharged by every one of you -- from national cadres to retirees and religious leaders -- allow us to say that those meeting here are a small-scale sample of the Cuban society.
This is a basic premise albeit it cannot by itself guarantee the fulfillment of the Parliament's mission. First and foremost an intelligent, organized, creative and strong performance is required from all members, particularly while working in the commissions where there is more time to focus on certain issues and to study them listening to a greater number of comrades.
In my visit last December to the Santiago de Cuba district that elected comrade Fidel a deputy, I said that the massive support enjoyed by the revolution demands from us that we question everything we do in order to improve on it.
I also said that if the people are firmly united behind a single party, this must be more democratic than any other, and so must be the entire society. This society, of course, can be improved, as any other human work, but it is undoubtedly full of justice and everybody in it has the opportunity to express their views and, better still, to work for the materialization of whatever we all agree.
There is no reason to fear discrepancies in a society such as ours, where its very nature precludes the existence of antagonistic contradictions, since the social classes that make it up are not antagonistic themselves. The best solutions can come from a profound exchange of differing opinions, if such an exchange is guided by sensible purposes and the views are uttered with responsibility.
That's how the majority of Cubans have acted, from our best scientists, intellectuals, workers, farmers and students to the most humble housewife.
At different stages of the Revolution, including the present, when objectively assessing both the strategic issues and the difficulties of their everyday lives, they have all set an example of political maturity and awareness of realities. Meanwhile, they are increasingly convinced that the only source of wealth for the society rests with the productive work, above all when man and resources are efficiently employed.
The international doomsayers forecasting the death of the Revolution tried to capitalize on the criticisms made during the study and discussion of the speech made on July 26th in Camagüey. They overlooked the fact that it was debate and criticism within socialism. This was confirmed way over, a few months later, by the results of our electoral process which concluded last January 20th.
It is also true that some people are inclined to talk before being properly informed. These make demands without thinking whether they are talking rationally or irrationally. As a rule, they agree with those who claim rights without ever mentioning duties. As Fidel put it in his Reflections of January 16th: "they expect miracles from our determined and dignified Revolution."
We do not deny their right to expression, provided they do it with respect for the law. In the face of such an expression we can neither be extremists nor naives. When the motivation is despair due a personal problem or the lack of information, we should be patient and offer the necessary arguments.
But if anyone intends to put pressure motivated by their wishes to be in the limelight or by ambition, demagoguery, opportunism, simulation, arrogance or any other human weakness of a similar nature, we must face them resolutely, avoiding offense but calling a spade a spade.
We should never forget that the enemy never sleeps, that it is always willing to use our carelessness to do us harm, even if some are bent on ignoring it.
We shall not avoid listening to everyone's honest opinion, which is very useful and necessary simply because of the sometimes ridiculous noise made every time a citizen of our country says something that the very noise makers would pay no attention to if they heard it anywhere else on the planet.
We are aware that such messages are intended to mislead or at least to create confusion; but in case anyone has had the outlandish notion to scare us off with them, I shall say that the reason we are still here -- and we will continue to be here -- is that our people and its Revolution have always faced up, without fear or hesitation and with the truth, all sorts of aggressions by the greatest military and economic power in the world.
Many examples could be offered; suffice it to mention the incontrovertible dignity of our Five Heroes in their stance before every attempt at breaking their will during a decade of unjust incarceration.
I avail myself of the occasion to express my gratitude, on behalf of our people, for the countless expressions of solidarity, respect, affection, encouragement and legitimate concern over the leader of the Revolution conveyed by Heads of State and Government, political parties, non-governmental organizations, outstanding intellectuals and ordinary people from every corner of the world after the publication of his Message last Tuesday. We shall never fail their confidence in us.
At the same time, we take due notice of the offensive and overtly interfering statements of the imperialists and some of their closest allies.
As could be expected, the State Department hastily announced the continuation of the blockade in accordance with the policy of the present Administration.
Others, with certain nuances, are bent on conditioning relations with Cuba to a "transition" process aimed at destroying the work of so many years of struggle.
Little do they know our people, so proud of its full sovereignty and independence!
The Revolution is the work of free men and women and it has been permanently opened to debate; but it has never given an inch to pressures nor has it ever been influenced by them, whether big or small.
I shall only add that Fidel's Reflections, published on Friday, are a masterly response to all of them.
As for the difficulties the country faces domestically, the decision on their priorities and the pace of their solution will invariably be linked to the available resources and the deep, rational and collective analysis made by the corresponding Party, State or Government institutions. In those cases where it is deemed necessary, there will be a previous consultation with the people in the corresponding sector of society, or even with the entire people, if it were a very transcendental issue.
Some things need time for they should be thoroughly studied since a mistake brought about by improvisation, superficiality or haste could have substantial negative consequences. Good planning is most important for we cannot spend more than we have. Then we should organize things well, and work in an orderly and disciplined fashion; this is fundamental.
When discussing these issues we should always bear in mind Fidel's deep conviction, reiterated in his Message of February 18th, that " the present problems of the Cuban society require more variables for each concrete problem than those contained in a chess game. We cannot ignore one single detail; this is not an easy path to take, if the intelligence of a human being in a revolutionary society is to prevail over instinct."
I insist on the importance of discipline. We must all be demanding and back up those who are. If it were necessary, we should help them improve their methods and support them resolutely before the collective.
You should understand that I am not talking of acting with extremism or of accepting abuse of authority or injustices; what I mean is that we should all do what corresponds in the strengthening of discipline and social order. If we don't do it our people stand to suffer the consequences.
It is true that there are objective limitations; we know them well and we suffer daily trying to solve them as soon as possible. We are aware of the enormous efforts required by the strengthening of the economy, which is an unavoidable premise to advance in any other area of society, given the real war waged by the United States administration against our country.
Their intention has not changed from the triumph of the Revolution, i.e. to make our people suffer as much as possible in order to force it to abandon its decision to be free.
This is a reality that far from intimidating us should continue making us stronger. Instead of using it as an excuse for our mistakes, it should serve as encouragement to produce more and to offer better services, to make efforts to find the ways and means to remove any deterrent to the productive forces and to the exploitation of the significant potential offered by savings and by the correct organization of labor.
From the days of the independence wars until the present, our history teaches us that the greater the difficulties the greater the need for order, discipline and unity. The lacks of cohesion as well as disorder and impunity have always been among the worst enemies of a fighting people.
I repeat that the country's priority will be to meet the basic needs of the population, both material and spiritual, based on the sustained strengthening of the national economy and its productive basis without which, I'll say it again, development would be impossible.
An example of this is the measures proposed to increase the agricultural and livestock production and to better their marketing, which have been analyzed in every province by a large representation of those in charge of implementing them, including the producers themselves.
Thus, we shall continue to act with regards to every issue of cardinal importance for the country.
We are examining, for instance, everything related to the timely implementation of comrade Fidel's ideas on "the progressive, gradual and prudent revaluation of the Cuban peso," exactly as he said it on March 2005. At the same time, we keep delving into the phenomenon of the double currency in the economy.
These are all very sensitive and complex issues when, as in our case, there is a firm willingness to protect and to steadily increase the incomes and savings of the population, particularly of those least favored.
To avoid traumatic effects or inconsistencies, any changes related to the currency shall be made with a comprehensive approach, mindful, among other things, of the wage system, the retail prices, the entitlements and the subsidies running in the millions presently required by numerous services and products distributed on an egalitarian basis, such as those provided by the ration card which under the present conditions of our economy become irrational and unsustainable.
It is our strategic objective today to advance in an articulate, sound and well-thought out manner until the wages recover their role and everyone's living standard corresponds directly with their legally earned incomes, that is, with the significance and quantity of their contribution to society.
As Fidel pointed out in his Reflection of January 16th: "nor should we give away anything to those who could be producing and who don't produce, or who produce very little. Reward the merits of those who work with their hands or their minds."
We are simultaneously studying other issues following a priority, and the pace of progress will depend on their complexity and the resources available.
We have the basics to find the best possible solutions within our material possibilities and organizational capabilities, which shall continue to grow: an educated people, with a high political culture and firmly united under the principles summed up by comrade Fidel in his Reflections of January 24th, when he said:
"For me, unity means sharing in the struggle, the risks, the sacrifices, the aims, ideas, concepts and strategies assumed after discussion and analysis. Unity means a common struggle against annexationists, quislings and corrupt individuals who have nothing in common with a militant revolutionary," end of quote.
I insist on what I said here during the previous session of this Assembly: "For the enormous possibilities of this unity to turn into tangible results, it is indispensable that all the institutions and organizations work with the necessary integration."
Institutionalization -- I repeat -- institutionalization is an important support of this decisive purpose and one of the pillars of the Revolution's invulnerability in the political field; therefore, we must work for its continued improvement. We should never believe that what we have done is perfect.
Our democracy is as participatory as few others are, but we should be aware that the functioning of the State and Government institutions is not yet as effective as our people rightfully demand. This is something we should all think about.
On December, I referred to the excess of prohibitions and regulations, and in the next few weeks we shall start removing the most simple of them. Many had had the purpose of preventing the emergence of new inequalities at a time of general shortages, even when that meant relinquishing certain incomes.
The suppression of other procedures, even if they might sound simple to some, will take more time for they require a more comprehensive study and changes of certain legal regulations, in addition to the fact that some of these are influenced by measures taken against our country by successive U.S administrations.
Changing subject, there is also the tendency to apply the same recipe everywhere. As a result of this -- and this is perhaps its worst consequence -- many believe that the solution of every problem demands a national measure.
In many respects, local initiative can be effective and viable; this much has been proven with the direct distribution of milk, as I said last July 26th. This experience has already been extended to 64 municipalities from 13 provinces in the country; 40 of them are completely applying this system. We are also advancing in the remaining municipalities and in the dairy industry.
In addition to ensuring prompt and proper distribution of this essential product, which is the main objective, in the last few months of this past year said program allowed us to save more than 6 thousand tons of powdered milk whose purchase would have cost in excess of 30 million USD, at the average price in the period of 5 thousand USD a ton.
Additionally, the hard currency expenses were reduced in 2.6 millions, including in this figure the cost of 600 thousand litters of fuel.
Other examples could be taken from the most diverse sectors; therefore, we must continue to think of similar solutions at all levels of the administration.
Comrades:
On a day like this, in 1895, responding to a call from Martí, the Old and the New Generations resumed the struggle for the independence thwarted by the United States military intervention. Half a century later, we again managed to be united and to fight against the same enemy.
It was not by chance that this date was chosen, 50 years ago, for the first broadcasting by Radio Rebelde on the Sierra Maestra, nor that this was the date in 1976 when we proclaimed our Socialist Constitution.
On this 113th anniversary of the Necessary War, we are faced with many really difficult challenges. In order to face them, let's bear in mind what Fidel wrote in his Reflections published last December 10th, when he alerted us:
"For every Cuban, Martí's frowning countenance and Maceo's withering look point to the arduous path of duty, not to a more comfortable life."
Thank you, very much.
Men Like Fidel Never Retire, Says Chavez
Havana, Feb 20 (acn) Fidel Castro and Cuba "have shown the world and particularly the [US] empire that the Cuban revolution does not rely on one single person," said Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez on Tuesday.
Cuban Youth to Advance the Revolution
Matanzas, Feb 20 (acn) In a message to Cuban President Fidel Castro, pre- university students in this province committed themselves to continue building socialism and to keep the Revolution going.
While holding the 11th Congress of Middle School Students Federation (FEEM), the young Cubans received Fidel Castro's message announcing his decision not to run as president in the upcoming elections with sadness. At the same time they expressed their firm commitment to support the revolution and preserve the achievements made so far in the country under Fidel's leadership.
In their message, published by the Juventud Rebelde newspaper on Wednesday, the students assured that younger generations will defend the principles passed on by Fidel throughout half a century, at any cost.
Cuban People Support Fidel Castro’s Decision to Not Accept Re-election
Havana, Feb 20 (acn) Students, physicians, scientists, athletes and people from all walks of life in Cuba continue expressing their support for Fidel Castro’s decision not to aspire to another term in office as President of the Cuban Council of State
Marta Margarita Acuña, a student at the Central University of Las Villas, told ACN that “Fidel will always be the historic leader of the Revolution” and agreed with the Cuban President on the fact that “there are leaders capable of continuing the process of the Cuban Revolution.”
For her part, Natacha Santiago, a History Professor at the University of Havana, said that the announcement did not cause alarm among the population because “the project of the Revolution is the project of an entire nation and not just one man.”
Meanwhile, Kety Monteagudo, resident doctor at the School of Stomatology in Havana, admitted that the news caused sadness but added that “millions of Cubans have always followed Fidel’s principles and ideals and this is a time for unity and ideological struggle.”
For Elda Casas, a pensioner in the Havana municipality of Plaza de la Revolucion, “the most important thing now is that Fidel stays healthy so that he can continue warning Cuba and the world about the dangers that might lead humanity to disappear.”
“His illness prevents him from continuing his work. Our people understand that but we also say that he will always be our Commander in Chief for all battles and challenges,” said Dr. Carlos Omar Mitjans.
Cuban newspapers and all media outlets on Tuesday published a message by President Fidel Castro in which he announced his decision not to aspire to or accept another term in office as President of the Council of State after the constituent session of the National Assembly (Parliament) next Sunday, February 24.
REFLECTIONS BY COMRADE FIDEL
WHO WANTS TO BE IN THE GARBAGE DUMP?
Today, by mere chance, I remembered that the OAS still exists, when I read a cable posted on the Internet which contained an article by Georgina Saldierna, published in La Jornada, titled “Insulza rules out the possibility of re-admitting Cuba into the OAS”. No one even remembered the OAS. Note how retrograde this line of reasoning is.
Yesterday, the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS), Jose Miguel Insulza, dismissed the possibility of immediately re-admitting Cuba into this multilateral organization because there is no consensus on the matter among its members, among other reasons.
In this connection, Insulza remarked that, for full re-admission into the OAS, one of the requisites Cuba would have to meet is adhering to the norms of the organization, including the Inter-American Democratic Charter and the Convention on Human Rights.
If this isn’t comical enough, read Antonio Caño’s article, published in El Pais on February 21, 2008, titled “Cuba’s Isolation only Serves the Purpose of Perpetuating the Agony of the System.”
“One of the most respected voices among Cuban exiles, businessman Carlos Saladrigas (Cuba 1948) hopes that Fidel Castro’s resignation could represent “the open door for permanent changes” and asks the Cuban community in Miami and the Government of the U.S. to act “cautiously” and with a “spirit of reconciliation”, to avoid losing this opportunity.”
“Saladrigas, who is President of a small organization known as the Cuba Study Group, which is composed by other political associations and human rights organizations known as Consenso Cubano, has spent millions of his private funds in the last few years in order to plant the seeds for a modern and centrist alternative to the radical leadership that used to dominate the Cuban exile community in the U.S. In the leadership vacuum in which Miami found itself after the death of Jorge Mas Canosa, Saladrigas is a respected voice in intellectual circles and listened by the media and foreign diplomats.”
“During a phone conversation from the Dominican Republic, Saladrigas expressed his belief that (…) Cuba’s isolation only serves the purpose of perpetuating the agony which the regimen represents”.
“In his opinion this is the time for great hope, both for Cuban exiles, as well as for dissidents inside the island”.
“The exile community must help by stimulating the steps that will begin to take place in Cuba and by not rejecting them. Transitions are made one step at a time”.
“It is important”, says Saladrigas, “that the regimen loose its fear of the exile community, because the lesser the fear, the faster things will move along”. Change, in his opinion, is unstoppable (…)”
“There are a million Cubans in Florida with sufficient resources to revitalize the economy of the Island in very little time, given adequate conditions, which must be created both by the U.S. and in Cuba: by the U.S. lifting restrictions to U.S. citizens wishing to invest in Cuba, and by Cuba, legalizing private property and foreign economic activity.”
“Once these conditions have been achieved, according to Saladrigas, political reforms will follow automatically. The most urgent measures should be the release of all political prisoners. Once this has been done, and the door has been opened to investments, the exile community could become the biggest support fund that any political transition has ever known throughout history.”
The name Carlos Saladrigas rings a bell; it is a name I heard many times when, at 18 years old I was concluding my fifth and last year of high school. He was the candidate Batista had chosen at the close of the last year of his constitutional term. Before, he had been his Prime Minister. The Second World War was coming to an end.
The new Carlos Saladrigas now wants to buy us for peanuts! With the money in Miami, “the biggest support fund that any political transition has ever known throughout history.” This is something the United States has never achieved, not even with all of the money in the world.
The facts are quite different and they are evident to those who follow events in Cuba objectively.
An article by David Brooks, published less than 12 hours ago by Mexico’s La Jornada, titled “The United States relegated to mere spectator of Cuba’s political transition” employs arguments which ought to be emphasized.
Brooks notes that he does not cease to be amazed by how one of the smallest countries in the world obliges the political, business, media and academic leaders of the world’s most powerful nation to respond to its decisions of doing or not doing, changing or not changing, or simply leaving everything shrouded in mystery.
In the past 24 hours, he stresses, President George W. Bush, senior State Department and National Security Council officials, federal legislators, the presidential pre-candidates and other top-level political figures, political analysts and the main foreign policy institutions, all printed and electronic media, human rights organizations and others have responded to Fidel Castro’s decision of not running for another term in office.
“While a political transition is underway in Cuba, no one in the United States, according to Brooks, expects any changes to take place in the few months that remain of term of George W. Bush, the tenth U.S. president who promised to impose changes in Cuba only to reach the end of his term and see Fidel Castro still defending his country’s policy and defying the superpower.
“Once again, he adds, Washington and all of the experts were reduced to mere spectators and had to recognize that the transition is to be determined by Cuba and is not the result of the policy Washington has pursued for half a century.”
“He points out that Julia Sweig, an expert on the bilateral relations between the two countries and director of the Latin American program for the Council on Foreign relations underscored that the embargo and other restrictions, which have only served to limit U.S. foreign policy at this pivotal moment, should already have been lifted.
“Ex Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson,” Brooks writes, “General Collin Powell’s right-hand man and currently co-chair of the New America Foundation’s U.S.-Cuba Policy Initiative again remarked that this juncture is an opportunity to change the United States’ posture, admitting that ‘our Cuba policy is a failure’ and that no changes were likely under the current presidency. The presidential candidates and others should begin to analyze this policy, including obvious things like lifting travel restrictions and some aspects of the embargo, so that the next president can implement some changes.”
As Brooks points out, the New York Times echoes these arguments in today’s editorial, arguing that “the administration has gone out of its way to ensure that it has no chance of influencing events there. In the name of tightening the failed embargo, it has made it much harder for academics, artists and religious people to travel to Cuba and spread the good word about democracy (…).” The Times proposes putting Miami’s interests aside, even if it’s particularly difficult in an electoral year, to enter into direct communication with “Mr. Castro’s successors”.
“Following Castro’s announcement in Havana,” according to Brooks, “the United State’s political dynamic can also change. The three main presidential pre-candidates commented on the matter yesterday. Republican John McCain and Democrat Hillary Clinton repeated the old rhetoric that Cuba must show changes before Washington can consider changing its policy.
“Democrat Barack Obama –who, as candidate for Senate in 2003, was in favor of lifting the embargo— has now qualified his position, but he is the only one who has supported a relaxation of restrictions on travel and the sending of remittances to Cuba, stating, yesterday, that if there are signs of democratization on the island “the United States must be prepared to begin taking steps to normalize relations and to ease the embargo (…)”
According to the Wall Street Journal, “we have had a bad policy for nearly 50 years, for bad reasons that have nothing to do with Cuba” federal representative Charles Rangel, chair of one of Congress’ most influential committees, declared. Several other legislators regard this moment as a possible opening to promote changes in bilateral policy.
“The business sector,” he adds, “which for years has expressed its opposition to the blockade, could also see this as an opportunity to redouble their efforts to change U.S. policy, turning to the bipartisan support of legislators and governors who see the Cuban market as something more attractive than maintaining an ideological position aligned with a president and government that are increasingly discredited in Washington.
“Apparently, the transition in Cuba could cause a transition within the United States, according to the article. But perhaps Washington and Miami are more opposed to change than Havana.”
As the readers will appreciate, I have done some work as I await the historical decision of the 24th.
Now, I will go several days without putting pen to paper.
Fidel Castro Ruz
February 22, 2008
5:56 p.m.
Kim Jong Il Sends Congratulatory Message to Raul Castro Ruz
Pyongyang, February 26 (KCNA) -- General Secretary Kim Jong Il Monday sent a congratulatory message to Raul Castro Ruz, second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba, president of the Council of State and president of the Council of Ministers of Cuba.
The message said:
We extend warm congratulations to you in the name of the Workers' Party of Korea, the government and people of the DPRK on your election as president of the Council of State and president of the Council of Ministers of Cuba at the first session of the 7th National Assembly of People's Power.
The above-said heavy responsibilities entrusted to you are an expression of the deep trust and high expectation of respected Fidel Castro and the Cuban party and people for you.
Believing that the comradely and militant friendly and cooperative relations between the peoples of the two countries provided by President Kim Il Sung and Fidel Castro would steadily grow stronger in the course of carrying out the common cause of socialism, the message sincerely wished him success in his responsible work.
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MARCH 2008 No 3 (60)
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ON THE 90TH ANNNIVERSARY SINCE THE FORMATION OF THE SOVIET RED ARMY
CONGRATULATIONS
The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks warmly congratulates the citizens of the Soviet Union – fighters for the revival of our great Socialist Motherland – on the 90th Anniversary since the formation of the glorious and legendary Soviet Red Army, under Soviet power having gained strength in the invincible Armed Forces of the USSR, having defeated the fascist German hordes in the period of the Second World War and having saved the peoples of the world from destruction or slavery in the enclaves of the Nazi Reich.
We wish our Soviet citizens especially those veterans of the Great Patriotic War, good health, happiness, and mutual understanding and respect in their families, as well as long years ahead.
We Bolsheviks believe in the victory over the forces of counterrevolution who having destroyed our country and the brotherhood of peoples of the USSR, having deceived and robbed the Soviet people, having betrayed the memory of those who remained on the battles fields defending Socialism and the peaceful, and secure in the morrow, life of their own children.
We despise the enemies of the Socialist Fatherland – the “democrats”, who conspired with world Zionism and after the death of J.V. Stalin unswervingly brought to life a policy directed at the destruction of our country – the USSR, at the establishment of world domination of the criminal human hating ideology of the newly appeared fascism-Zionism.
Long live the unity of all patriotic forces of the country in the struggle for the revival of the USSR!
N.A. Andreeva
General Secretary of the CC AUCPB
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MARCH 2 WE (?) “ELECT” A PRESIDENT FOR THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
On 2 March Russian presidential elections are going to be held. After “scrupulous” and “well thought out” work by the Central Electoral Commission on the selection of among the “most dignified” candidates on the list for the highest post in the state, for the post of top manager of the Russian criminal oligarchy, only five people remain.
D.A. Medvedyev- a personal friend of Putin (who he, Putin, knows well for a number of years when they worked jointly with Sobchak in Leningrad, and later in Putin’s command);
V.V. Zhirninovsky – the everlasting candidate for the post of president with the readiness to “pass over” (unscrupulously of course) votes of his supporters onto the more successful, or to the candidate picked by the ruling oligarchy;
G.A. Zyuganov – who wants to be president, in the case of him winning the most votes, he turns his back on his lawful victory and prefers to choose second place.
M.M. Kasyanov – ex RF premier democrat, recently organized the so-called “March of the Discontented” (Orange) dispersed violently by the truncheons of Russian riot cops OMON.
A.V. Bogdanov – Chairman of the Democratic Party of Russia.
Out of the above five candidates, two of them, Kasyanov and Bogdanov still had not (by 15 jan 08) handed in their documents to the Central Electoral Commission (CEC) for reginstering themselves as candidates for the post of president of the Russian Federation (RF)however it is well known that Kasyanov gathered the2 million signitures required and in the near future will hand the documents into the CEC. At the time of writing there is no information on Bogdanov.
From these five candiadates WHO can realistically become president of the RF? There are in our opinion only two – Medvedyev (the “succeeding prince”) who Putin back in November 2003 characterised as a “person of liberal democratic convictions, orientated towards the development of democracy and the market economy in Russia”, and ex-premier Kasyanov.
Putin has for a long time now been advertising Medvedyev as his sole successor under which the policy of Putin’s reforms will continue, including the so-called national projects.
Here is Medvedyev’s service record for the past few years: October 2002- representative of the president in the National Banking Council, since the end of 2003 – Head of presidential Aministration, from June 2004 – chairman of the Council of Directors of “Gazprom”, from June 2005 – First vice-Chairman of the government of the RF, from the end of January 2007 – Chairman if the POPECHITELSKOGO Counsil of the Association of Jurists of Russia (and First Vice Chairman of the Goverment of the RF.) These are the main stages in Medvedyev’s career. It is worth noting when characterizing his political orientation that it was namely Medvedyev, “….namely he is one of the firs in Petersburg, if not the whole of Russia, who thought up about how power could enter into a shareholder society whilst not breaking any of the existing laws not on land, but on land rent”. (St Petersburg Kurier 6/11/2003. Therefore the representatives of power, thanks to the judicial talent of Medvedyev have several official salaries made up out of the running of various shareholding of one wide profile for example, rail transport or branches of the mining or refining industry.
Medvedyev graduated state university with a degree in Law in 1987, in 1990 a Law aspirant. He was a candidate of judicial science . Medvedyev came from a family of professors of Jewish intelligentsia of St Petersburg. His wife – is Svetlana Linnik. They have a grown up son.
The other passing figure- is M.M. Kasyanov.
Who has the biggest chance of winning in the presidential elections in Russia and becoming President of the RF?
At the moment it is hard to tell since the election campaign (at the time of writing) has not been fully unfurled. They have an equal chance.
Medvedyev past the test in Davos where the world political and economic elite carry out their own type of casting of potential leaders (not just of Russia) and gained approval. A Voloshin (in the past- a head of the President’s Adminisration until Novembere 2003, now the Chairman of the council of Directors RAO EES RF) travelled to the US in November 2007 to apply “pressure” on the “Washington Obkom” (the Committee of 300). There he had 8 meetings with high-ranking officials of the White House and made a speech at a private evening meal in the centre of Carnegie.
At the end of December 2007 in one of his interviews to the central TV channel, Medvedyev declared the forthcoming transfer of state corporations in the hands of private capital which invigorated our oligarchy immensely . He contantly swears allegince in the media to the continuation of the policy of Putin which calms everyone who has created their enormaous wealth on the backs of corruption and direct theft under Putin.
We can see right through that Putin himself has gained huge wealth amounting more than 40 billion US dollars according to information by political scientist Stanislav Belkovsky in his interview to the newspaper “Die Welt” . Quite a bit of time has past since since the publication of this information, but no official reaction has ever followed. Belkovsky has not been sent to court for insulting or slandering the president. Does this mean, Belkovsky’s information must be true? It turns out then that todays president Putin is twice as rich than any of the wealthiest Russian oligarchs. Where does the money come from? Let us remind ourselves of the interview by Oleg Deripaska, that they know how to pay their own top manager (president) who does not hinderthem in ther own work (not hinder them loot the peoples property- speaking in plain Russian that is). Therefore it is naïve to take seriously all those conversations by the ruling power about “the fight against corruption”.
M.M. Kasyanov, not being a member of any of the parliamentary parties had to hand into the CEC a minimum of 2 milliom signitures in order to be elgible to participate in the presidential election campaign, and that demands at least the sum of 10-15 million euro. (Kasyanov has already gathered that number of signitures). And what is more, no less than 200 thousand euro are required for the election campaign itself. That means Kasyanov has money. Such money could have been given to him by foreign sources (hypothetic money of the US state department in the coupe with Nevzlin, Hertzeriv and Berezovsky with their comrades) thanks to the fact that our oligarchs keep this money in West.
Kasyanov as an experienced pragmatic is very reserved in his judgments and actions, we predict not noticed in xenophobia and anti-Semitism, in corruption and in the assassinations against the sacred cow, private ownership. That is why he is supported by the West and his candidateship suits the US state department. How events will unfurl in the presidential election campaign , WHO will be the preferred candidate by the WEST (the Committee of 300), for the post of president of the RF will depend on a number of factors which still have not revealed themselves.
But in any case there is no difference in whether or not Medvedyev or Kasyanov will be the next president of the RF. The policy both domestic and foreign will remain the same as before. The WEST in the face of the Committee of 300 will choose the one who will best serve world capital and most obediently bring the policy of world capital to life. And therefore, the forthcoming elections promise to become an even bigger odious farce than the previous elections into the Russian State Duma –lower house of parliament. *
In the case of Kasyanov being elected as president of the RF, we can fully expect in Russia, an “orange revolution” with all the ensuing consequences for Russia as a result.
A few words about the kind of power being established in Russia. At the start of 1990-s, I gave the following answer to foreign correspondants to this question: “While the Russian bourgeoisie has not decided what “version” suits it the best, it will try different versions. This is the story around the successor (pseudo-successor) of the Czarist Romanov Dynasty given by Yeltsin in the cadet corps with the intention in the future to proclaim him to the throne of a revived Russian monarchy, having Yeltsin himself become a regent under an under -aged monarch. And the story surrounding a parliamentary republic with stuff shown on TV about noisy clashes and fights at sessions of the Russian State Duma, etc. etc.
With the necessary exist of Yeltsin from the post of president, the practically operating power in the Russian Federation – the oligarchs having gained for themselves our common peoples property and having becoming billionaires included in the list of wealthiest in the Forbes journal, they found a common language with the cold calculating (“if one may say so –sir”) Putin, and decided to stop on a monarchist, but bourgeois in essence, form of rule with throne succession not according to the principle of Czarist bloodline but the lackey-style loyalty of a bourgeois leader to oligarchic criminal capital – the real political and economic power in the RF, stopping on the rule of the “monarch”-president, on the outside formulating a bourgeois throne succession to look like democratic free elections.
Nowadays there is a lot of noisy chatter coming out of the media of the RF concerning the legalizing of the designation of persons of throne succession. Putin has been declared a common national leader(!). The coordinator of the “United Russia” party on national policy proposes the official establishment of an “institute of the national leader” being the highest personification by the institute of a representative of the power of the Russian people” with the transfer of power by a leader, to successor chosen by him. In the practical solution to this question, there are many aspects which our bourgeois political scientist cannot solve.
The realization of such a thing can lead only towards one thing – the official establishment of a fascist dictatorship in conditions of growing tension in society and the further stratification of it into superrich and extreme poor.
During the period of Putin’s rule we have not begun to live any better. We have simply been thrown a bone, or more likely a little bone just in order for us not to die of hunger immediately. The food dependence on supplies from the West exceeds twice that of the country’s strategic security. The majority of imported food is made up of products banned from being sold in the European Union due to poor quality or the presence of food stabilizers and additives which pose a danger to the health of the population. The country, like before, is living on the backs of selling off its raw materials – the predatory destruction, pumping from the core of its own national wealth, destroying its own industries and economy, transferring onto the territory of Russia, of western production with the simultaneous providing to the West of our highly qualified labour power. Delays in paying wages to workers continue to this day. The raising of pensions and wages from time to time does not compensate for inflation (exceeding the officially declared by twice), wiping out any governments additions. Access to qualified medicine has become impossible for the absolute majority of the population. Health and safety has fallen way back into the past having been replaced by a constant flow of accidents occurring at harmful and dangerous areas of production. The skyrocketing price hikes in communal housing sector and bad maintenance of the housing fund, with decades of non maintenance of housing is destroying the life of the ordinary person, especially pensioners. Dissatisfaction and disgruntlement in society is growing which is appearing in the form of the growing strike and protest movement in the country. The authorities respond accordingly by increasing the repressions against communists and patriots.
Worrying times await Russia. Oil and gas reserves are running out and new deposits are being developed very weakly. Consequently, in the near future, Russia will stop being the provider of “energy security of the West”, something to be proud of with all the ensuring consequences for Russia’s image and the state of its economy. If, in Turkmenia petrol, at the beginning of the year will be free for the inhabitants (nowadays for 1 dollar you can get 50 litres of fuel), then in Russia this year a growth of 15% in the price of petrol is expected making it the most expensive in the world.
The unfounded confidence of Mr. Medvedyev whilst on his visit to the free economic zone of Kaliningrad and his statement made there that on the back of imported Argentinean genetically modified soya, we will be able to revive animal husbandry in Russia, yes and be able to sell refined soya to other countries, sounds at the best, incompetent. Europe refuses to lift the ban on the import of GM food products, despite pressure on part of the USA on this question. Europe cares about the health of its population, but us……do we?
Analysts forecast a system crisis in the economy of Russia already in 2008 in conditions of total corruption. The flow of private capital has changed to the maximum outflow during the years of Putin’s rule, the liquidity of the banking system for 4 consecutive months has fallen more than twice, the economy has smoothly entered into a spiral of accelerating inflation and ending liquidity.
The advertised growth in the income of the population in figures is achieved on the backs of a growth in the income of 3 -5% of the wealthiest Russians. In 2008 we are going to be hit by an expanding crisis in the mortgage lending market and food price hikes, brought about by the production of biofuels (for primarily USA needs), instead of food stuffs, by reorientation of speculative capital made from mineral raw materials into agriproducts with a growth of China’s demand.
The “common national leader” has done his business, having turned out to be a good successor to Boris Yeltsin on the destruction of Russia, and can now go. Neither Medvedyev, the future copy to a certain degree of Putin, or Kasyanov can put the growing problems right and therefore the chances of any of us surviving are very small. For saving the country, it is necessary to change the entire policy and for that the whole system needs to be changed.
The future of Russia lies not in voting for puppets of the West that serve the interests of world capital, but in the unification of the working class of the town and country as well as the working intelligentsia into a single struggle for their social rights, for the establishment of true power of the working people. In connection with this, I believe it necessary to remind the reader of V.I. Lenin’s words: “The change of a bourgeois system over onto a proletarian system is impossible without a violent revolution” (Complete works v 33, p.22 V publication, Russian)
Nina Andreeva
General Secretary of the All –Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB)
15 Jan 2008, Leningrad
Key Address by Comrade Raul Castro Ruz, President of the Councils of State and Ministers - Closing Session of the First Session of the Seventh Legislature of the National Assembly of People's Power, International Convention Center, Havana, February 24, 2008, "Year 50 of the Revolution" -
Comrades:
As comrade Fidel alerted us in his fundamental Reflection of last January 14th, the people's mandate to this legislature is very clear: to continue strengthening the Revolution at a historical juncture which demands from us to be dialectic and creative.
The composition of the State Council, which has just been elected by this Assembly, raised much expectation both in Cuba and abroad. The most significant was clarified by comrade Fidel in his Message of February 18th. There is very little that I can add to what he said except to express to our people, on behalf of the Revolution's Leadership, our appreciation for the innumerable expressions of serenity, maturity, self-assurance, and the combination of genuine sadness and revolutionary determination.
I take on the responsibility entrusted to me deeply convinced that, as I have often said, there is only one Commander in Chief of the Cuban Revolution.
Fidel is Fidel; we all know it very well. Fidel is irreplaceable and the people shall continue his work when he is no longer physically with us; although his ideas will always be with us, the same ideas that have made it possible to build the beacon of dignity and justice our country represents.
The Communist Party, a sure guarantee of the unity of the Cuban nation, is the sole worthy heir to our people's confidence in its leader. It is the top leading force of our State and society as provided in Article 5 of our Constitution approved by referendum by exactly 97.7% of the voters.
This conviction shall become especially significant when as a fact of life the generation that founded and forged the Revolution is no longer present.
Fortunately, it is not that moment we are living today. Fidel is here, as always, with a very clear mind and his capacity to analyze and foresee perfectly intact and strengthened now that he can dedicate to studying and analyzing the countless hours he previously used to tackle the daily problems.
Despite his steady recovery, his physical condition will not allow him those endless working sessions -- often separated by hardly a few hours of rest -- that characterized his work practically from the moment he started the revolutionary struggle, the same that grew in intensity through the long years of the Special Period when he did not take one single day off.
Comrade Fidel's decision, a new contribution enhancing his example, ensures as from now the continuity of the Revolution and is perfectly consistent with a life guided by Martí's precept that: "All the glory of the world fits in a kernel of corn."
Likewise, his determination is unchangeable with regards to his decision to continue making his contribution to the revolutionary cause and to the most noble ideas and objectives of mankind, while he has the strength to do so.
Therefore, with the certainty that I am expressing the will of our people, I appeal to this Assembly, as the supreme body of the State power, to allow me to continue consulting with the maximum leader of the Revolution, comrade Fidel Castro Ruz, the decisions of special transcendence for the future of our nation, basically those associated to defense, foreign policy and the socioeconomic development of the country.
For this and for many other reasons, I shall rather often today quote some of the fundamental ideas and concepts expressed by him in his Reflections. I avail myself of this occasion to say that we should study them for they are educational and they show his capacity to look into the future. We should always bear in mind something that Raul Roa liked to say to those close to him: "Fidel hears the grass growing and sees what is happening around the corner."
Comrade Deputies:
I am aware of my responsibility to the people as I take on the task entrusted to me. But I am also convinced that as it has been the case until today, I can count on the support of those holding positions of responsibility at various levels, and even more importantly, I can count on the support of my compatriots without which a society like ours could not succeed.
The Assembly, in full compliance with the view of the Party's Political Bureau, elected comrade José Ramón Machado Ventura as First Vice President of the State Council and later approved his appointment as First Vice President of the Council of Ministers.
As I explained in my proposal to fill that position, it is convenient that under the present circumstances the same comrade takes on these two responsibilities in the State and Government, as it has been the case until now.
Considering his revolutionary life and convictions, his experience and knowledge, his qualification as a leader and a human being, there is no doubt that he meets the requirements to carry out these high duties.
Likewise, the assembly has agreed, in accordance with Article 75 of the Constitution, to analyze the composition of the Government in a future session later this same year. This is a timely decision, since we are not dealing only with appointments, but rather with decisions about which changes might be required in the system of institutions pertaining to the central administration of the State, and this needs more time.
During the first 15 years of the Revolution, the State structures inherited from capitalism were adjusted as we went along to undertake the tasks imposed by the radical economic, political and social changes.
The 1960's institutionalization process, however imperfect, enabled us to structure an articulate system corresponding to those circumstances. We were then able to put ourselves on a level with the socialist countries, in terms of both good and bad experiences.
Finally, in 1994, the most critical moment of the Special Period, considerable adjustments were made leading to the reduction and merging of institutions as well as to the redistribution of the tasks previously entrusted to some of them. However, these changes were undertaken with the rush imposed by the necessity to quickly adapt to a radically different, very hostile and extremely dangerous scenario.
In the fourteen years that have passed since then, the national and international scene has noticeably changed. Today, a more compact and operational structure is required, with a lower number of institutions under the central administration of the State and a better distribution of their functions. This will enable us to reduce the enormous amount of meetings, coordination, permissions, conciliations, provisions, rules and regulations, etc., etc. It will also allow us to bring together some decisive economic activities which are presently disseminated through various entities, and to make a better use of our cadres.
In summary, our Government's work must be more efficient.
The Assembly has been renovated in a higher proportion than the previous legislature. The number of women deputies has grown over seven percent; they now make up almost half of the legislature, over 43%. There is also an increase from 23 to 36 in the number of those between 18 and 30 years of age, that is, the youngest, although we also have a higher number of deputies who are over sixty.
It is very significant that a higher number of deputies are directly linked to production and services, that is, workers, farmers and other laborers. The same applies to members of the armed institutions, sportsmen, artists, writers, journalists and other professionals who, together with the student leaders and the comrades working in the people's councils make up over fifty percent of the Assembly.
These data and the simple enumeration of the tasks discharged by every one of you -- from national cadres to retirees and religious leaders -- allow us to say that those meeting here are a small-scale sample of the Cuban society.
This is a basic premise albeit it cannot by itself guarantee the fulfillment of the Parliament's mission. First and foremost an intelligent, organized, creative and strong performance is required from all members, particularly while working in the commissions where there is more time to focus on certain issues and to study them listening to a greater number of comrades.
In my visit last December to the Santiago de Cuba district that elected comrade Fidel a deputy, I said that the massive support enjoyed by the revolution demands from us that we question everything we do in order to improve on it.
I also said that if the people are firmly united behind a single party, this must be more democratic than any other, and so must be the entire society. This society, of course, can be improved, as any other human work, but it is undoubtedly full of justice and everybody in it has the opportunity to express their views and, better still, to work for the materialization of whatever we all agree.
There is no reason to fear discrepancies in a society such as ours, where its very nature precludes the existence of antagonistic contradictions, since the social classes that make it up are not antagonistic themselves. The best solutions can come from a profound exchange of differing opinions, if such an exchange is guided by sensible purposes and the views are uttered with responsibility.
That's how the majority of Cubans have acted, from our best scientists, intellectuals, workers, farmers and students to the most humble housewife.
At different stages of the Revolution, including the present, when objectively assessing both the strategic issues and the difficulties of their everyday lives, they have all set an example of political maturity and awareness of realities. Meanwhile, they are increasingly convinced that the only source of wealth for the society rests with the productive work, above all when man and resources are efficiently employed.
The international doomsayers forecasting the death of the Revolution tried to capitalize on the criticisms made during the study and discussion of the speech made on July 26th in Camagüey. They overlooked the fact that it was debate and criticism within socialism. This was confirmed way over, a few months later, by the results of our electoral process which concluded last January 20th.
It is also true that some people are inclined to talk before being properly informed. These make demands without thinking whether they are talking rationally or irrationally. As a rule, they agree with those who claim rights without ever mentioning duties. As Fidel put it in his Reflections of January 16th: "they expect miracles from our determined and dignified Revolution."
We do not deny their right to expression, provided they do it with respect for the law. In the face of such an expression we can neither be extremists nor naives. When the motivation is despair due a personal problem or the lack of information, we should be patient and offer the necessary arguments.
But if anyone intends to put pressure motivated by their wishes to be in the limelight or by ambition, demagoguery, opportunism, simulation, arrogance or any other human weakness of a similar nature, we must face them resolutely, avoiding offense but calling a spade a spade.
We should never forget that the enemy never sleeps, that it is always willing to use our carelessness to do us harm, even if some are bent on ignoring it.
We shall not avoid listening to everyone's honest opinion, which is very useful and necessary simply because of the sometimes ridiculous noise made every time a citizen of our country says something that the very noise makers would pay no attention to if they heard it anywhere else on the planet.
We are aware that such messages are intended to mislead or at least to create confusion; but in case anyone has had the outlandish notion to scare us off with them, I shall say that the reason we are still here -- and we will continue to be here -- is that our people and its Revolution have always faced up, without fear or hesitation and with the truth, all sorts of aggressions by the greatest military and economic power in the world.
Many examples could be offered; suffice it to mention the incontrovertible dignity of our Five Heroes in their stance before every attempt at breaking their will during a decade of unjust incarceration.
I avail myself of the occasion to express my gratitude, on behalf of our people, for the countless expressions of solidarity, respect, affection, encouragement and legitimate concern over the leader of the Revolution conveyed by Heads of State and Government, political parties, non-governmental organizations, outstanding intellectuals and ordinary people from every corner of the world after the publication of his Message last Tuesday. We shall never fail their confidence in us.
At the same time, we take due notice of the offensive and overtly interfering statements of the imperialists and some of their closest allies.
As could be expected, the State Department hastily announced the continuation of the blockade in accordance with the policy of the present Administration.
Others, with certain nuances, are bent on conditioning relations with Cuba to a "transition" process aimed at destroying the work of so many years of struggle.
Little do they know our people, so proud of its full sovereignty and independence!
The Revolution is the work of free men and women and it has been permanently opened to debate; but it has never given an inch to pressures nor has it ever been influenced by them, whether big or small.
I shall only add that Fidel's Reflections, published on Friday, are a masterly response to all of them.
As for the difficulties the country faces domestically, the decision on their priorities and the pace of their solution will invariably be linked to the available resources and the deep, rational and collective analysis made by the corresponding Party, State or Government institutions. In those cases where it is deemed necessary, there will be a previous consultation with the people in the corresponding sector of society, or even with the entire people, if it were a very transcendental issue.
Some things need time for they should be thoroughly studied since a mistake brought about by improvisation, superficiality or haste could have substantial negative consequences. Good planning is most important for we cannot spend more than we have. Then we should organize things well, and work in an orderly and disciplined fashion; this is fundamental.
When discussing these issues we should always bear in mind Fidel's deep conviction, reiterated in his Message of February 18th, that " the present problems of the Cuban society require more variables for each concrete problem than those contained in a chess game. We cannot ignore one single detail; this is not an easy path to take, if the intelligence of a human being in a revolutionary society is to prevail over instinct."
I insist on the importance of discipline. We must all be demanding and back up those who are. If it were necessary, we should help them improve their methods and support them resolutely before the collective.
You should understand that I am not talking of acting with extremism or of accepting abuse of authority or injustices; what I mean is that we should all do what corresponds in the strengthening of discipline and social order. If we don't do it our people stand to suffer the consequences.
It is true that there are objective limitations; we know them well and we suffer daily trying to solve them as soon as possible. We are aware of the enormous efforts required by the strengthening of the economy, which is an unavoidable premise to advance in any other area of society, given the real war waged by the United States administration against our country.
Their intention has not changed from the triumph of the Revolution, i.e. to make our people suffer as much as possible in order to force it to abandon its decision to be free.
This is a reality that far from intimidating us should continue making us stronger. Instead of using it as an excuse for our mistakes, it should serve as encouragement to produce more and to offer better services, to make efforts to find the ways and means to remove any deterrent to the productive forces and to the exploitation of the significant potential offered by savings and by the correct organization of labor.
From the days of the independence wars until the present, our history teaches us that the greater the difficulties the greater the need for order, discipline and unity. The lacks of cohesion as well as disorder and impunity have always been among the worst enemies of a fighting people.
I repeat that the country's priority will be to meet the basic needs of the population, both material and spiritual, based on the sustained strengthening of the national economy and its productive basis without which, I'll say it again, development would be impossible.
An example of this is the measures proposed to increase the agricultural and livestock production and to better their marketing, which have been analyzed in every province by a large representation of those in charge of implementing them, including the producers themselves.
Thus, we shall continue to act with regards to every issue of cardinal importance for the country.
We are examining, for instance, everything related to the timely implementation of comrade Fidel's ideas on "the progressive, gradual and prudent revaluation of the Cuban peso," exactly as he said it on March 2005. At the same time, we keep delving into the phenomenon of the double currency in the economy.
These are all very sensitive and complex issues when, as in our case, there is a firm willingness to protect and to steadily increase the incomes and savings of the population, particularly of those least favored.
To avoid traumatic effects or inconsistencies, any changes related to the currency shall be made with a comprehensive approach, mindful, among other things, of the wage system, the retail prices, the entitlements and the subsidies running in the millions presently required by numerous services and products distributed on an egalitarian basis, such as those provided by the ration card which under the present conditions of our economy become irrational and unsustainable.
It is our strategic objective today to advance in an articulate, sound and well-thought out manner until the wages recover their role and everyone's living standard corresponds directly with their legally earned incomes, that is, with the significance and quantity of their contribution to society.
As Fidel pointed out in his Reflection of January 16th: "nor should we give away anything to those who could be producing and who don't produce, or who produce very little. Reward the merits of those who work with their hands or their minds."
We are simultaneously studying other issues following a priority, and the pace of progress will depend on their complexity and the resources available.
We have the basics to find the best possible solutions within our material possibilities and organizational capabilities, which shall continue to grow: an educated people, with a high political culture and firmly united under the principles summed up by comrade Fidel in his Reflections of January 24th, when he said:
"For me, unity means sharing in the struggle, the risks, the sacrifices, the aims, ideas, concepts and strategies assumed after discussion and analysis. Unity means a common struggle against annexationists, quislings and corrupt individuals who have nothing in common with a militant revolutionary," end of quote.
I insist on what I said here during the previous session of this Assembly: "For the enormous possibilities of this unity to turn into tangible results, it is indispensable that all the institutions and organizations work with the necessary integration."
Institutionalization -- I repeat -- institutionalization is an important support of this decisive purpose and one of the pillars of the Revolution's invulnerability in the political field; therefore, we must work for its continued improvement. We should never believe that what we have done is perfect.
Our democracy is as participatory as few others are, but we should be aware that the functioning of the State and Government institutions is not yet as effective as our people rightfully demand. This is something we should all think about.
On December, I referred to the excess of prohibitions and regulations, and in the next few weeks we shall start removing the most simple of them. Many had had the purpose of preventing the emergence of new inequalities at a time of general shortages, even when that meant relinquishing certain incomes.
The suppression of other procedures, even if they might sound simple to some, will take more time for they require a more comprehensive study and changes of certain legal regulations, in addition to the fact that some of these are influenced by measures taken against our country by successive U.S administrations.
Changing subject, there is also the tendency to apply the same recipe everywhere. As a result of this -- and this is perhaps its worst consequence -- many believe that the solution of every problem demands a national measure.
In many respects, local initiative can be effective and viable; this much has been proven with the direct distribution of milk, as I said last July 26th. This experience has already been extended to 64 municipalities from 13 provinces in the country; 40 of them are completely applying this system. We are also advancing in the remaining municipalities and in the dairy industry.
In addition to ensuring prompt and proper distribution of this essential product, which is the main objective, in the last few months of this past year said program allowed us to save more than 6 thousand tons of powdered milk whose purchase would have cost in excess of 30 million USD, at the average price in the period of 5 thousand USD a ton.
Additionally, the hard currency expenses were reduced in 2.6 millions, including in this figure the cost of 600 thousand litters of fuel.
Other examples could be taken from the most diverse sectors; therefore, we must continue to think of similar solutions at all levels of the administration.
Comrades:
On a day like this, in 1895, responding to a call from Martí, the Old and the New Generations resumed the struggle for the independence thwarted by the United States military intervention. Half a century later, we again managed to be united and to fight against the same enemy.
It was not by chance that this date was chosen, 50 years ago, for the first broadcasting by Radio Rebelde on the Sierra Maestra, nor that this was the date in 1976 when we proclaimed our Socialist Constitution.
On this 113th anniversary of the Necessary War, we are faced with many really difficult challenges. In order to face them, let's bear in mind what Fidel wrote in his Reflections published last December 10th, when he alerted us:
"For every Cuban, Martí's frowning countenance and Maceo's withering look point to the arduous path of duty, not to a more comfortable life."
Thank you, very much.
Men Like Fidel Never Retire, Says Chavez
Havana, Feb 20 (acn) Fidel Castro and Cuba "have shown the world and particularly the [US] empire that the Cuban revolution does not rely on one single person," said Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez on Tuesday.
Cuban Youth to Advance the Revolution
Matanzas, Feb 20 (acn) In a message to Cuban President Fidel Castro, pre- university students in this province committed themselves to continue building socialism and to keep the Revolution going.
While holding the 11th Congress of Middle School Students Federation (FEEM), the young Cubans received Fidel Castro's message announcing his decision not to run as president in the upcoming elections with sadness. At the same time they expressed their firm commitment to support the revolution and preserve the achievements made so far in the country under Fidel's leadership.
In their message, published by the Juventud Rebelde newspaper on Wednesday, the students assured that younger generations will defend the principles passed on by Fidel throughout half a century, at any cost.
Cuban People Support Fidel Castro’s Decision to Not Accept Re-election
Havana, Feb 20 (acn) Students, physicians, scientists, athletes and people from all walks of life in Cuba continue expressing their support for Fidel Castro’s decision not to aspire to another term in office as President of the Cuban Council of State
Marta Margarita Acuña, a student at the Central University of Las Villas, told ACN that “Fidel will always be the historic leader of the Revolution” and agreed with the Cuban President on the fact that “there are leaders capable of continuing the process of the Cuban Revolution.”
For her part, Natacha Santiago, a History Professor at the University of Havana, said that the announcement did not cause alarm among the population because “the project of the Revolution is the project of an entire nation and not just one man.”
Meanwhile, Kety Monteagudo, resident doctor at the School of Stomatology in Havana, admitted that the news caused sadness but added that “millions of Cubans have always followed Fidel’s principles and ideals and this is a time for unity and ideological struggle.”
For Elda Casas, a pensioner in the Havana municipality of Plaza de la Revolucion, “the most important thing now is that Fidel stays healthy so that he can continue warning Cuba and the world about the dangers that might lead humanity to disappear.”
“His illness prevents him from continuing his work. Our people understand that but we also say that he will always be our Commander in Chief for all battles and challenges,” said Dr. Carlos Omar Mitjans.
Cuban newspapers and all media outlets on Tuesday published a message by President Fidel Castro in which he announced his decision not to aspire to or accept another term in office as President of the Council of State after the constituent session of the National Assembly (Parliament) next Sunday, February 24.
REFLECTIONS BY COMRADE FIDEL
WHO WANTS TO BE IN THE GARBAGE DUMP?
Today, by mere chance, I remembered that the OAS still exists, when I read a cable posted on the Internet which contained an article by Georgina Saldierna, published in La Jornada, titled “Insulza rules out the possibility of re-admitting Cuba into the OAS”. No one even remembered the OAS. Note how retrograde this line of reasoning is.
Yesterday, the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS), Jose Miguel Insulza, dismissed the possibility of immediately re-admitting Cuba into this multilateral organization because there is no consensus on the matter among its members, among other reasons.
In this connection, Insulza remarked that, for full re-admission into the OAS, one of the requisites Cuba would have to meet is adhering to the norms of the organization, including the Inter-American Democratic Charter and the Convention on Human Rights.
If this isn’t comical enough, read Antonio Caño’s article, published in El Pais on February 21, 2008, titled “Cuba’s Isolation only Serves the Purpose of Perpetuating the Agony of the System.”
“One of the most respected voices among Cuban exiles, businessman Carlos Saladrigas (Cuba 1948) hopes that Fidel Castro’s resignation could represent “the open door for permanent changes” and asks the Cuban community in Miami and the Government of the U.S. to act “cautiously” and with a “spirit of reconciliation”, to avoid losing this opportunity.”
“Saladrigas, who is President of a small organization known as the Cuba Study Group, which is composed by other political associations and human rights organizations known as Consenso Cubano, has spent millions of his private funds in the last few years in order to plant the seeds for a modern and centrist alternative to the radical leadership that used to dominate the Cuban exile community in the U.S. In the leadership vacuum in which Miami found itself after the death of Jorge Mas Canosa, Saladrigas is a respected voice in intellectual circles and listened by the media and foreign diplomats.”
“During a phone conversation from the Dominican Republic, Saladrigas expressed his belief that (…) Cuba’s isolation only serves the purpose of perpetuating the agony which the regimen represents”.
“In his opinion this is the time for great hope, both for Cuban exiles, as well as for dissidents inside the island”.
“The exile community must help by stimulating the steps that will begin to take place in Cuba and by not rejecting them. Transitions are made one step at a time”.
“It is important”, says Saladrigas, “that the regimen loose its fear of the exile community, because the lesser the fear, the faster things will move along”. Change, in his opinion, is unstoppable (…)”
“There are a million Cubans in Florida with sufficient resources to revitalize the economy of the Island in very little time, given adequate conditions, which must be created both by the U.S. and in Cuba: by the U.S. lifting restrictions to U.S. citizens wishing to invest in Cuba, and by Cuba, legalizing private property and foreign economic activity.”
“Once these conditions have been achieved, according to Saladrigas, political reforms will follow automatically. The most urgent measures should be the release of all political prisoners. Once this has been done, and the door has been opened to investments, the exile community could become the biggest support fund that any political transition has ever known throughout history.”
The name Carlos Saladrigas rings a bell; it is a name I heard many times when, at 18 years old I was concluding my fifth and last year of high school. He was the candidate Batista had chosen at the close of the last year of his constitutional term. Before, he had been his Prime Minister. The Second World War was coming to an end.
The new Carlos Saladrigas now wants to buy us for peanuts! With the money in Miami, “the biggest support fund that any political transition has ever known throughout history.” This is something the United States has never achieved, not even with all of the money in the world.
The facts are quite different and they are evident to those who follow events in Cuba objectively.
An article by David Brooks, published less than 12 hours ago by Mexico’s La Jornada, titled “The United States relegated to mere spectator of Cuba’s political transition” employs arguments which ought to be emphasized.
Brooks notes that he does not cease to be amazed by how one of the smallest countries in the world obliges the political, business, media and academic leaders of the world’s most powerful nation to respond to its decisions of doing or not doing, changing or not changing, or simply leaving everything shrouded in mystery.
In the past 24 hours, he stresses, President George W. Bush, senior State Department and National Security Council officials, federal legislators, the presidential pre-candidates and other top-level political figures, political analysts and the main foreign policy institutions, all printed and electronic media, human rights organizations and others have responded to Fidel Castro’s decision of not running for another term in office.
“While a political transition is underway in Cuba, no one in the United States, according to Brooks, expects any changes to take place in the few months that remain of term of George W. Bush, the tenth U.S. president who promised to impose changes in Cuba only to reach the end of his term and see Fidel Castro still defending his country’s policy and defying the superpower.
“Once again, he adds, Washington and all of the experts were reduced to mere spectators and had to recognize that the transition is to be determined by Cuba and is not the result of the policy Washington has pursued for half a century.”
“He points out that Julia Sweig, an expert on the bilateral relations between the two countries and director of the Latin American program for the Council on Foreign relations underscored that the embargo and other restrictions, which have only served to limit U.S. foreign policy at this pivotal moment, should already have been lifted.
“Ex Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson,” Brooks writes, “General Collin Powell’s right-hand man and currently co-chair of the New America Foundation’s U.S.-Cuba Policy Initiative again remarked that this juncture is an opportunity to change the United States’ posture, admitting that ‘our Cuba policy is a failure’ and that no changes were likely under the current presidency. The presidential candidates and others should begin to analyze this policy, including obvious things like lifting travel restrictions and some aspects of the embargo, so that the next president can implement some changes.”
As Brooks points out, the New York Times echoes these arguments in today’s editorial, arguing that “the administration has gone out of its way to ensure that it has no chance of influencing events there. In the name of tightening the failed embargo, it has made it much harder for academics, artists and religious people to travel to Cuba and spread the good word about democracy (…).” The Times proposes putting Miami’s interests aside, even if it’s particularly difficult in an electoral year, to enter into direct communication with “Mr. Castro’s successors”.
“Following Castro’s announcement in Havana,” according to Brooks, “the United State’s political dynamic can also change. The three main presidential pre-candidates commented on the matter yesterday. Republican John McCain and Democrat Hillary Clinton repeated the old rhetoric that Cuba must show changes before Washington can consider changing its policy.
“Democrat Barack Obama –who, as candidate for Senate in 2003, was in favor of lifting the embargo— has now qualified his position, but he is the only one who has supported a relaxation of restrictions on travel and the sending of remittances to Cuba, stating, yesterday, that if there are signs of democratization on the island “the United States must be prepared to begin taking steps to normalize relations and to ease the embargo (…)”
According to the Wall Street Journal, “we have had a bad policy for nearly 50 years, for bad reasons that have nothing to do with Cuba” federal representative Charles Rangel, chair of one of Congress’ most influential committees, declared. Several other legislators regard this moment as a possible opening to promote changes in bilateral policy.
“The business sector,” he adds, “which for years has expressed its opposition to the blockade, could also see this as an opportunity to redouble their efforts to change U.S. policy, turning to the bipartisan support of legislators and governors who see the Cuban market as something more attractive than maintaining an ideological position aligned with a president and government that are increasingly discredited in Washington.
“Apparently, the transition in Cuba could cause a transition within the United States, according to the article. But perhaps Washington and Miami are more opposed to change than Havana.”
As the readers will appreciate, I have done some work as I await the historical decision of the 24th.
Now, I will go several days without putting pen to paper.
Fidel Castro Ruz
February 22, 2008
5:56 p.m.
Kim Jong Il Sends Congratulatory Message to Raul Castro Ruz
Pyongyang, February 26 (KCNA) -- General Secretary Kim Jong Il Monday sent a congratulatory message to Raul Castro Ruz, second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba, president of the Council of State and president of the Council of Ministers of Cuba.
The message said:
We extend warm congratulations to you in the name of the Workers' Party of Korea, the government and people of the DPRK on your election as president of the Council of State and president of the Council of Ministers of Cuba at the first session of the 7th National Assembly of People's Power.
The above-said heavy responsibilities entrusted to you are an expression of the deep trust and high expectation of respected Fidel Castro and the Cuban party and people for you.
Believing that the comradely and militant friendly and cooperative relations between the peoples of the two countries provided by President Kim Il Sung and Fidel Castro would steadily grow stronger in the course of carrying out the common cause of socialism, the message sincerely wished him success in his responsible work.
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