Sunday, 11 October 2009

FOR BOLSHEVISM No 1 (46) JANUARY 2007


WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
FOR BOLSHEVISM


INSIDE THE COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' MOVEMENT
No 1 (46) JANUARY 2007

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CONTENTS
1. THE IDEAS OF LENINISM ARE IMMORTAL
2. OUR LEAFLET
3. WORKER- FIGHT!
4. COMMUNISM - IS THE YOUTH OF THE WORLD
5. FIGHTING KAZAKHSTAN - UPRISING IN THE MOUNTAINOUS REGIONS OF ALMATA
6. PROTESTS IN THE CENTRE OF KIEV
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THE IDEAS OF LENINISM ARE IMMORTAL
83 years ago on 21 January 1924 Vladimir Ilyich Lenin’s heart stopped beating - the leader and teacher of the world proletariat, the creator of the Communist Party of Bolsheviks, under the leadership of the which the working class, the labouring masses of Russia took power into their own hands. For the first time in history under the leadership of Lenin a multinational workers-peasants state was formed, a brotherly union of countries and peoples - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The USSR in the shortest historical period of time became the largest state in the world, saved the whole of humanity from the hell of fascism, was the first into space, and the first to control atomic energy etc.. All these achievements were made possible thanks to the creative labour of the Soviet people and which was organised and led by the Leninist Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) headed by J.V. Stalin, having brilliantly embodied into life Marxist-Leninist ideas.
And namely the rejection of Leninism as Marxism in the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions is what led to the temporary defeat of socialism, the destruction of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp in Eastern Europe. But the time of the triumph of the reaction and imperialism is not everlasting. The labouring people are all the more on the basis of living experience convinced that capitalism and the wrecking of the USSR has brought them only bitterness and suffering. Across the whole world there is a growing struggle against imperialism and reaction. And the route to victory is pointed out to labouring masses by the immortal ideas of Leninism.. (Raboche-Krestyanskaya Pravda No 1 (106)
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OUR LEAFLET
COMRADES!
Putin and Duma have executed their age old dream of the Russia bourgeoisie: the 7 November is no longer a public holiday - day of celebration. Instead, they propose that you celebrate "accord" and "people's unity". Interesting with whom we are to be in accord with and with whom unite with? Perhaps factory workers with the factory owners, collective farm workers with oligarchs, doctors with budget thieves, teachers with bandits? Yes, the bourgeoisie would very much like that. Another cause is the Great October Socialist Revolution. That was the revolution which deprived the thieves and bloodsuckers of the localities , palaces, factories and banks, and most importantly - power. In 1917, power in the country became- workers' power. Deputies at all levels were nominated by workers' collectives, who regularly reported back to the workers and were easily called to account. Between sessions, deputies worked at their own enterprises. Half of the Supreme Soviet was made up of deputies who worked on machines and tractors. Power was formed by the working people and served the working people. The exploiters were deprived the right to vote. Yes, indeed - this was a terrible violation of bourgeois democracy! Yes, this was a dictatorship of the proletariat. Today we have a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Parliament, the president, the authorities and laws all serve the interests of the money sacks. The law on federal public holidays also serves them. Ell let them celebrate their own bourgeois holidays. The workers have their own. They have something to remember, something to celebrate on the day of Great October. Long live a new proletarian revolution! Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Golos Stalingrada -Voice of Stalingrad No 2 (45)
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COMMUNISM - IS THE YOUTH OF THE WORLD
The liberals nowadays love to chatter on about how the October Revolution was in all -only an experiment. Let us get to the bottom of this "rubbish". Beginning with the 1920-s, the results of socialism outdid capitalist results in all spheres of social life so much, that to speak of a 70 -year old "experiment" is to put it mildly - "unscientific". What was created was a society of high moral already in the first generations. People of the same age as Soviet people in Poland, Czechoslovakia, France, Holland and other "civilised" countries surrendered after the initial attacks by fascism. Our grandfathers and fathers took this attack and at a price of huge efforts and losses smashed fascism by the neck. If you compare countries with equal sized population and with mixed nationalities, then socialism lowered the number of crimes per head of population by several times compared to say, the USA, and this was achieved not by terror. Towards the end of the existence of the USSR, there were about 800 thousand convicts in prison where the population stood at 300 million, but in the USA it was 1.1 - 1.4 million convicts to a population of 250 million. Let us examine this - is a collapse of communism really possible? You see, before designing a continuous motor (one that will never wear out) you need to contemplate as to whether or not it is possible in principle? Concerning continuous motors, well people had been contemplating this already in the last century. Designs by inventors of continuous motors are nowhere patented. But is it possible to destroy communism?
At the basis of communism lays the idea that in a society of people there must be justice, and since people are equal then justice must be one for all.
The growth in the number of Earth’s inhabitants and the raising of the educational level make communism inevitable. It can be resisted, one can extricate oneself with all kinds of “Swedish models” (of socialism) or unemployment benefits. But this is agony and since injustice is hate, hate overcomes fear of the law, and then after that there follows revolutionary violence and justice triumphs together with communism.
In Russia this will happen quite soon, although the regime of the “reformers” has brought about a reduction in the size of Russia’s population. The process of population decline is lengthy and without war it will need possibly 50 years to reduce the population by half and get to today’s level of production (in order the standard of living of a Russian would be if only the average to that of the level in the USSR). The bourgeois regime will simply not have enough time to do this - it will be swept away.
Russia’s population and territory today (excluding the Arctic circle) is comparable to Brazil. In Brazil you have a tropical climate, coasts that we Russians cannot even dream of. Even under exact equal conditions, just due to the climate alone we have to live harder than the Brazilians. But we had socialism and Brazil there is capitalism.
This is what Alexander Zinoviev writes: “Three years ago I was in San-Paulo. 19 million people live there. Out of them,15 million live in such conditions that hardly bear thinking about. No electricity and no sewerage system. Slum shacks knocked together out of rubbish: norias, wooden and cardboard boxes. Gangs of youths spread terror. Special units of the police murder them like wild animals. No medical service. Next to no education.”
Capitalist Russia can expect this too, except for one little thing - in Russia one can live like that only in summer.
Indeed, nowadays we are wearing out the legacy of the USSR - its houses and factories, its transport and even its clothes. It will all be worn out and then we shall live like they do Brazil. I think that least of all the Russian capitalists believe in the collapse of communism. Among them, even the not so major capitalists, they have bought a house in the West and have sizable savings. They are not stupid people and are not without foresight.
Thus, to talk about having buried communism even economically is too early on the strength that it is impossible to bury it. Even if a miracle occurred and the “reformers” in a way unknown preserved the production level at what it was in the USSR, it would have only pushed aside a return. But they turned out “on top” and with their present-day experiment have brilliantly confirmed that communism - this is the youth of the world.
V. Selina
(“Golos Stalinigrada” -Voice of Stalingrad No 2 (45)
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FIGHTING KAZAKHSTAN
UPRISING IN THE MOUNTAINOUS REGIONS OF ALMATA!
On 14 July in the surburban district of of Almata (Alma Ata- ed.) - "Shanirak" a massive clash took place between people's defence militia units consisting of young people with detachments of SOBRA. Here is why the working peole under the slogans "Down with Nazarbaev!", "Down with the mayor of Tasmagambetov!" victored. They victored under red flags and banners which were prepared and made by the Socialist Resistance of Kazakhstan.
Around one thousand inhabitants of Shanirak fought with divisions of the MVD (Ministry of the Interior) and won. More than 40 police officers were wounded, five of which are in a critical condition, and one meanwhile unconfirmed - dead. There are wounded among those taking part in the uprising also, including one activist of the Socialist Resistance- Daniyar Enikeev who was wounded by a percussion grenade which exploded near the side of him and burnt part of his body.
At the meeting which continued, around 5 thousand people took part. The authorities and the police were forced to stop the military operation and retreat in order to have a number of police officers returned to them after they had been taken prisoner by the rebels. Despite the retreat, those people living in the suburban microdistricts (there are 14 of them out of a population of 200 - 300 people), the proletariat of the capital city are ready to continue the fight for their homes and the right to life and freedom!). You can find out more by visiting websites www.zonakz.net and read the article in detail at http://www.zonakz.net/articles15052).
Now in prison are languishing two young workers from Bakaya, having defended their own homes from demolition on 12 May: Mukazhanov Hurkhat, d.o.b. 1983 and Tompakov Il'yans, d.o.b. 1986. They are accused of allegedly during the storming on 12 May, at one point on the roof of one of the homes to have brought bodily harm to riot police. What is interesting about this is that the riot police were fully kitted out and in full view of all the inhabitants and were pushing young boys and girls from off the roofs and afterwards were beating them with truncheons and kicking them on the ground. Now it seems it is the inhabitants of Bakaya who are to blame for having defended themselves and the roofs over their heads.
The Socialist Resistance of Kazakhstan appeals to all workers, young people and revolutionary organisations to support the fight of landless and oppressed inhabitants of the regions of Almata and raise their voice in the form of letters and faxes of protest in the address of the mayor of the southern capital of Kazakhstan and for the dropping of criminal proceedings against N.M. Mukazhanov and I.M. Tompakov and also the persecution of activists of the movement held in Shanirak after the events that took place.
Address of the apparatus of the mayor of Almata, Imangali Tasmagambetov: 050000, Republic of Kazakhstan, Almata, Mayor Imangali Tasmagambetov, tel: 8 (3272) 716557; tel/fax; 934710; e-mail: mayor@almaty.kz; website of mayor: www.almaty.kz).
Already photo video material has been gathered and there are a number of witnesses proving the use by the riot police against the citizens of besides truncheons and water-cannon of also firearms shooting rubber bullets and the use of percussion grenades. More than that, since the 17 July, in Shanirak and Bakaya the police of Almata have been carrying out mass arrests of inhabitants of these micro-districts using all possible violations. Many of those being held were beaten and subjected to psycological pressure. Just on the 25 July alone via the departament of the interior passed 121 people and the arrests each day continue. There is one more factor that in all arrogance characterizes our police state structure and the essence of the state and that is in the disappearance and sale of inhabitants of these micro-districts. There have been cases that are being investigated when the police tried preventing the inhabitants of Shanirak and Bakaya from entering the reception-distributor, confiscating all documents and during the "establishment of their ID" continued interrogating "with passion". If these cases turn out to be proven true, then this in full lightwill confirm the presence of secret prisons in our country. Data on a large number of of information on cases of torture are being rechecked. Unfortunately many of those living in Shanirak have been intimidated by threats of reprisal which therby extremely complicate the gathering and proving facts. There is also information that separate people were refused medical aid at medical institutions. Some of those who suffered were compelled to keep quiet about the cause of their injuries in order not be arrested.
AINUR KURMANOV
ALMATA, KAZAKHSTAN
(Raboche-Krestyanskaya Pravda No 9 (114) 06)
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PROTESTS IN THE CENTRE OF KIEV
THOUSANDS OF LEFT WING ACTIVISTS STOPPED OUN-UPA FASCISTS ALONG THE KRESCHATIK
Left wing activists entered Kreschatik Square in Kiev, Ukraine to stop a march from taking place by the fascist organisation OUN-UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army)which during the II WW fought on the side of Hitlerite Germany.
Special forces arrived at the square before anyone else did. They received orders not to allow anyone onto the road - signed by the courts banning today any mass action in the centre of Kiev. However, activists of the progressive socialist party tried to break through the cordon and into Kreschatik sq. Ten people were detained. The others remained the other side to the cordon chanting “Fascism will not pass!” These words were addressed to the nationalists who were trying to march along the Kreschatik and thus mark the 64 Anniversary since the formation of the UPA.
President Yushchenko today stated that the “brilliance of the UPA is written in gold in the records of Ukraine and will always remain dear in the people’s memory”. The veterans of the Soviet Army say that to forget about what those in the UPA did is truly impossible. II World War veterans remember how that it was namely those in the insurgent movement who destroyed the people in Bab’em Yaru, Belarus and in Western Ukraine. And the SS division “Galchina” and “Rolan” and the German battalion “Naftigal” swore an oath of allegiance to Hitler. The leader of the Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) Petr Simonenko called Yushchenko the country’s main provocateur - the president is planning on rehabilitating the UPA by his own order.
Simonenko believes that in such a way, Yushchenko is rubbing his boots and blackening the great military campaign of the WWII vet4erans. Grigory Govelets who fought in the UPA is now ready to shake hands with those who fought under red flags. But Mikhail Golubev does not agree with this. He was only six when one of the “heroes” of the UPA shot him at point blank range because the boy had hidden the family’s chickens. In Vinnitsky region alone, scores of people were murdered by the UPA for such “crimes”. The veterans of the WWII say they will never reach out to nationalists - the fighters of the UPA shot the fighters of the Red Army in the back. Today, Kreschatik is in the sphere of a circle of UPA veterans and the Soviet Army, but in the streets themselves they have not met.
(Revolucia)
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FOR BOLSHEVISM No 2 (47) FEBRUARY 2007


WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
FOR BOLSHEVISM

INSIDE THE COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' MOVEMENT
No 2 (47) FEBRUARY 2007
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CONTENTS
1. SPEECH BY GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE AUCPB - N.A. ANDREEVA AT THE MEETING DEDICATED TO THE 89TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIALIST REVOLUTION IN RUSSIA
2. 7 NOVEMBER IN MOSCOW
3. VAIN ATTEMPTS OF THE PERSECUTORS
4. RESOLUTION OF THE PROLETARAIN MEETING ON 7 NOVMEBER 2006 IN KRASNOYARSK, RUSSIA
5. MESSAGE OF CONGRATULATION BY AUCPB ON 23 FEB ON 89 ANNIVERSARY OF THE FORMING OF THE SOVIET ARMED FORCES
6. TO THE WORKERS' MOVEMENT - AN ORGANISED CHARACTER!
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SPEECH BY GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE AUCPB - N.A. ANDREEVA AT THE MEETING DEDICATED TO THE 89TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIALIST REVOLUTION IN RUSSIA
(Next to the statue of V.I. Lenin by the Finland station). Leningrad 7 November 2006
Dear friends, comrades, like-minded thinkers and sympathizers. I greet all of you who have come to this meeting today in conditions when the ruling bourgeois regime has banned any marches and demonstrations on this Great Day. The last two years the powers have been trying to replace this this day with 4 November, a so insignificant day in the history of Russia, trying to root out of the consciousness of the people everything that had been connected to the years of Soviet power, the building of socialism, to our Great and Mighty Soviet Union, broken up on the strength of betrayal by the high-ranking party nomenclatura of the then ruling CPSU, the obsequious and malicious petty partocracy, who will serve anybody so long as it is profitable and lucrative. 7 November - is a day of the carrying out of a Great Proletarian Revolution - it belongs not just to Russia, to Soviet citizens. We Russians are very proud of the fact that the Third Revolution - the Great October Socialist Revolution was carried out namely in Russia and that it was carried out namely by the Russian proletariat.
But it belongs to the whole of humanity, for the 7 November 1917 - is a revolutionary leap forward in the development of world civilisation, a revolutionary break through into the future, the transition of civilization over onto a new level of development - from class antagonistic society over to a classless, communist society.
7 November marks the beginning of a new era in the development of civilization since it means the rejection of all kinds of private ownership over the tools and means of production and its transition over into a new quality, into common people’s property, with the liquidation of all forms of exploitation of a person by another person. And nobody has the right to abolish this day - 7 November.
All previous changeovers from one social-economic formation meant the change of the type of ownership of the tools and means of production and therefore as K. Marx said, all of them were only the pre-history of Man on the path towards classless, communist society via a transition period - socialism. Under communism, a person is free from any form of exploitation under the presence of highly developed production powers of society, and will not use up much time on obtaining foodstuffs and providing a comfortable life for oneself. All a person’s main time will be used up on educating children, developing ones own natural gifts, occupying oneself with sport, art, on the development of ones elf as an individual found in complete harmony with nature.
Today, a criminal regime is ruling Russia, due a policy from which the population of the country, according to statistics, is every year becoming extinct and falling by 2 million 300 thousand people, despite the huge hordes of poverty-stricken people from the former republics of the USSR coming to Russia to earn money in order to send back home to their families so that they can buy food, bread. The ruling bourgeois regime is all the more tightening the rope around primarily old-age pensioners’ necks. In St. Petersburg the government has deprived all pensioners of subsidies formerly handed out to them, for paying in part for housing. During the year of 2006, in Sobs, pensioner were persuaded to refuse to take subsidised medicines, (all the same there are none in the pharmacies) and trips to health sanatoriums (which were provided very rarely anyway, but all the same were provided). The majority of pensioners agreed and then at the same time, the size of the pension was “raised” as well as their “living-subsistence wage”. Presently, starting from November 06 everyone is being refused housing benefits because the government has significantly lowered the living wage to 2500 roubles ($85, or approx. 50 odd quid month) and therefore the majority of pensioners, taking into consideration the refusal by them to take subsidised medicines and having the subsidies replaced by cash - added to pensions, the size of the pension turns out to be higher than the “minimum subsistence wage”. Now, each pensioner will have to pay out from their own tiny pension up to 40% for housing -communal services(!). In the USSR payment for housing was only of a nominal size and never exceeded 3% of the average salary earned. Thus the authorities have once again robbed us and this time, quite a lot. The “minimum subsistence wage” of pedigree Putin, I presume is tens of times higher than the minimum subsistence wage of today’s pensioner, whose labour during the years of Soviet power created huge material and spiritual values of the country. But now, pensioners are not needed, they are a burden for the bourgeois power and therefore have to be physically exterminated on the strength of the impossibility of being able to live, exist on the extremely low pension handed out by the state.
The monstrous plundering of the country’s natural resources is underway. We are pumping to the West all our energy resources and natural mineral wealth to our best “friends” - the Germans, Americans and others to the delight of president Putin and his ruling host.
The Russian lower house of parliament - the State Duma, having passed laws directed towards at the suffocation of the people and the plunder of our resources thinks only of how to be able to live more comfortably, at one time in power and at the feeding trough. Therefore, the heart-rending calls of the “communists” to vote for them in usual elections is hypocrisy, being covered up with pro-communist calls and slogans. Indeed is historically well known that the parliamentary route for winning power in the conditions of the complete lack of confidence on part of the people, indifference and hate towards the power on part of the majority of the population which has for a long time now being voting “against all” candidates, is a dead end path. Now in the State Duma a law on elections is being prepared which envisages the complete removal of the election percentage barrier on how many need to vote in order for an election to be passed as valid. Under that law, any number of voters can cast their votes to make elections valid, and the elected deputies will be “elected by will of all the people”. But if these authorities are not elected by us, and we do not vote for them , expressing our complete contempt and distrust, then to overthrow this power before which we have no obligations - is a most legitimate and valid cause.
They are constantly hammering into our consciousness like nails into a board, that there is no road back. Yes, we agree with this. THERE IS NO ROAD BACK! For turning back takes us nowhere. We have already been thrown back in time by an entire historical formation back to criminal capitalism due to the counter-revolution. Yes, we should have a long time ago put an end to the plundering of our natural resources and wealth, with poverty of the people, the people- who triumphed over fascism in the Second World War.
It is time finally for the leaders of communist and pro-communist parties to begin taking action together with us Bolsheviks in unity and not to tear into the bourgeois organs of power to the well-paid bourgeoisie (for betrayal, obviously of the interests of the working class) to the feeding trough or more so into presidents of a bourgeois state where Mafiosi oligarchs rule.
Unity in action of all of us, who are for SOCIALISM, WAS, IS AND WILL REMAIN the slogan of the day of our struggle.
LONG LIVE THE 89TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIALIST REVOLUTION!
LONG LIVE THE FUTURE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION!
LONG LIVE THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST STRUGGLE OF ALL DECENT PEOPLE OF THE PLANET FOR PEACE, FOR SOCIALISM ON THE PLANET!
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7 NOVEMBER IN MOSCOW
After the bourgeois power had “abolished” a red day on the calendar - the celebration of the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, of course the day has not vanished - it remains in the hearts of all decent and honest Soviet people, but this day of celebration has taken on new unseen before special characteristics. The march along Gorky street from Mayakovsky Square towards the statue of Karl Marx was by the Mayor of Moscow under an invented pretext, banned.
At 16.30 when the people had gathered near the statue of the great proletarian poet, the militia via a megaphone obtrusively bawled out: “This march is unsanctioned! Find your own way down to Teatralny Square on public transport to where the meeting is being held”. And all the people had arrived! By 17.00 there were already several thousand people. Attempts by the organisers of the meeting to persuade the militia in the illegality of their actions for banning the march, and to contact the Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov came to nothing. The ban on the march remained in force! Thousands of demonstrators finished up having to walk along the pavement to Teatralny Square with flags and banners in hand. A chain of militia walked along the edge of Mostovy, not allowing any of the demonstrators to enter go onto the large road of a main street in Moscow.
This is where it is, the pathological hatred of the present regime towards the proletarian day of celebration! Thousands of Muscovites, many of whom had defended our Motherland in the Great Fatherland War and had rebuilt the capital city after the war had ended were deliberately and demonstratively humiliated and insulted. Only at the very end of the march, at the last hundred metres were the demonstrators able to break through the files of militia and into Mostovy and with a wide, powerful column of demonstrators move towards the aim - the statue of Karl Marx. According to militia data (obviously less than the real number) ten thousand demonstrators took part in the meeting.
Music and songs played and sung by well known opposition singer Kharchikov were loudly greeted by those at the meeting. Zyuganov, devoted a large part of his speech at the meeting to outlining the upheavals of talks with the city authorities having expressed indignation at the illegal banning of a people’s march and having said at the end of this part of the speech - well not to worry, what happened is what happened, you can’t do much about it now. Well, may Luzhkov and others know that in future we shall get our legal right to a march by all means necessary! The second half of his speech was devoted to the usual next election “incantations” : “…we must consolidate our forces towards the next elections into the State Duma (legislative- lower house of Russian parliament); carrying out an energetic pre-election campaign we must, without doubt get a majority of seats in the Duma, and from here give a hand towards the revival of Soviet power and the Soviet Union. We shall by peaceful means carry out a political coup!” If only you were right, Gennady Andreevich! Remember the already long history of political struggle between 1991 - 2006 in the Russian Federation, take a glance at the example of Moldavia, where for several years the “communists” of the Voroninsky flood have been in power. Stop fooling the people!
Without doubt, the main aim of the ruling regime in relation to the great proletarian day of celebration is the aim of wiping out of the people’s memory the essence of it as a glorious date of the world’s first socialist revolution, which radically altered the historic path and our country as well as the whole of Mankind. The means of doing this are well known: ban, slander and undermine the essence of the day of celebration. The latter they serve by a “parade’ on the sacred place for every Soviet person - Red Square, and attempts to wipe out the Great 7 November and replace it with a 100% fake day “For national unity” 4 November. It won’t work, gentlemen!
No amount of banning by the authorities, no amount of pressure on part of the law-enforcement bodies can abolish the great proletarian day of celebration dedicated to the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, which was carried out by our and your fathers, grandfathers and great grandfathers!
S.V. KHRISTENKO
AUCPB member
Moscow
(Serp I Molot No 12, 2006)
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THE VAIN ATTEMPTS OF THE PERSECUTORS
The bolshevization of the communist movement has taken the bourgeois power unawares. They turned out obviously unprepared for such a situation in the opposition. An impression is being formed that the law enforcement structures know only what they have heard about the Bolsheviks or in general know nothing about them.
It goes without saying that for the power of the embezzlers of public funds, they have had to start trying methods like blackmail and intimidation to fight against this danger of bolshevization. But they soon understood that this not helping and now they are running to the courts. Summons have been raining down thick and fast like from out of the horn of plenty, and now without the need to sign protocols - the court judges demand the voluntary payments be made, like we print the banknotes ourselves. They find the administrative fines from miserly pensions. Mainly, they put pressure on me as the chairman of the executive of the movement “Trudovaya Krasnoyarsk” in Krasnoyarsk city, and on deputy of the Krasnoyarsk town soviet (council) as well as the leader of the movement “Women of Native Krasnoyarsk” N.I. Safanov. Half the pension is taken and Safanov has been deprived completely of her deputy salary because of her radicalism and steadfastness in the struggle.
Well to hell with the bureaucrats, enforcers and courts, and may a piece get stuck in their throats on the money they used from our pensions. Only - it’s hardly likely - they are empty people, without honesty, conscience or compassion. The only trouble is that valuable time is being lost in procrastination. Having understood that these methods too do nothing, on 7 November the head of Central ROVD (Dept. internal affairs of Russia) declared he would not allow us to march along the city’s main street. What a blockhead - “I’ll let through who I want.” Like we are not on our own land, in our own city. Participators in the meeting decided not to stop the march from going ahead and from the tribune declared that if anything happens we shall not be afraid to spill blood, but what will you be fighting for OMON riot police sitting on your buses sent to restrain the people’s resistance?
And hundreds of people of Krasnoyarsk city marched behind the Bolsheviks from Revolution Square (Ploshad Revolyutsia) to Red Square where tributes were also paid to those who died defending Soviet power during the Civil War. Nobody got off their buses or dared to interfere with the people’s march. The intention to use force if needed was broken up. But now we have the courts again. In this direction the local legislators have already invented a law abolishing Article 31 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. The newly cooked up law besides the necessity of informing them, organisers also have to get agreement from bureaucrats of the local administration to hold events, bureaucrats who interpret this “agreement” in such a way that we must agree with any proposals put forth by representatives of the administration otherwise - we finish up in court. Although Article 55 of this same constitution of RF proclaims the rights and freedoms of Man can only be limited by federative law, and only for protecting the constitutional system, morality, health, right and lawful interests of other individuals, providing defence and state security.
According to Article 8 - section 1, 2 of the law of the RF, public events can be held in any suitable places as long as by holding them there is no threat to participators of the events from falling buildings, structures or other threats to the safety to the participators of the public event.
It turns out that the local legislators have broken the main law by the fact that they have introduced this unlawful fake law. But nevertheless this law operates. But the bourgeois constitutional watchdog fails to see this. That is the kind of “democracy” here, the kind of “constitutional” system in place.
Vladimir Komarov
Editor of “Serp I Molot, member of the AUCPB
(Serp I Molot No 12, 2006)
From the newspaper’s editorial board: The Krasnoyarsky organisation of the CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation -leader Zyuganov) held a demonstration and meeting on 6 November. Bolshevik V.N. KOMAROV made a speech calling for the most decisive struggle against the enemies of the working people.
And on 7 November the demonstration and meeting were organised by the local organisation of the AUCPB and their allies in the revolutionary movement.
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RESOLUTION OF THE PROLETARIAN MEETING ON 7 NOVEMBER 2006 IN KRASNOYARSK, RUSSIA
7 November 2006 marked the 89 anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. The rotten thieving power of capital has stopped at nothing in trying to destroy the memory of the day of celebration of all those who are oppressed and unfortunate. The powers to be are afraid like crazy of any dissatisfaction shown by the people. They want so that the whole country was quiet, peaceful, sleepy and remembered the rotting and stinking in the eyes of the world Kremlin bog. But it is in vain that the bourgeoisie and their loyal spongers are pinning their hopes on the people forgetting about Great October. The people never forget about anything. They will not forget about those fighters for justice who have been thrown into the prisons of the Putin regime.
The Great October Socialist Revolution is the main event of the XX century. It provided all social guarantees of people, led our country - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the forefront in development of industry, science, education, culture. Victory was brought about over fascist Germany and the Soviets were the first into space. All the people lived in a united friendly family. The betraying of the ideals of the revolution took place in the high echelons of the party- state apparatus. Today on the day of the 89th Anniversary we state the following:
1) Until the carrying out of a Revolution, take the 7th November not as a day of celebration but as another day of the people’s struggle against the unjust and rotting to the core power of capital.
2) Fight against the oppressors more decisively since meetings alone and shedding tears will change nothing.
3) Recognise Rima Shaigalimova sentenced to a 6 months in prison as a political prisoner. Demand that the authorities free all political prisoners languishing in the country’s prisons.
4) Recognise and believe that the condition of the majority of inhabitants of Krasnoyarsk to be critical, demanding a speedy solution.
5) The actions of the authorities on the destruction of the Soviet legacy, in particular , the banning of the name of the day of the Revolution 7 November to be a crime against their own people.
6) Declare the regime of Mr Putin and his stooges - to be a criminal one equal to that of the Chilean dictator Pinochet and Somoza in Nicaragua.
7) For betraying Soviet power and the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Yeltsin, Kravchuk, Shushkevich are to be tried at a people’s court and sentenced to death.
8) Carry out acts of resistance to the bourgeois regime, organise pickets and meetings against the deepening thieving measures taken by the criminal power and against the impoverishment of the people. Use all forms of struggle of the proletariat up and including the use of force to topple the power of the enemies of the people
9) Ignoring all decrees and orders by the bourgeois power, (the power of the exploiters and embezzlers of public funds) we are to mark the anniversary of the October Revolution only on 7 November each year.
10) All revolutionary activity to be carried out not inside the framework of criminal laws cooked up by the criminals themselves for the their impunitive plundering of citizens of their own country but henceforth for the destruction of bourgeois so-called “legality”.
Adopted at the Bolshevik meeting in Krasnoyarsk on 7 November 2006
(Serp I Molot No12 2006)
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THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLSHEVIKS (CC AUCPB) CONGRATUALATES THE VETERANS OF THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR, VETERANS OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE USSR AND ALL SOVIET CITIZENS ON THE 89TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FORMATION OF THE SOVIET ARMED FORCES
Dear comrades! Below is printed a speech by J.V. Stalin made at the Moscow Soviet dedicated to the 10th Anniversary since the formation of the Red Army, how it differs from the armies of capitalist states, its ideological basis and principles. It is namely on this ideological basis that the Armed Forces of the revived Soviet Union will be built upon.
Comrades! Allow me to greet in the name of the Central Committee of our party the fighters of our Red Army, the fighters of our Red Navy, the fighters of our Red Air Force and finally our youth undergoing pre-conscription military training, the armed workers of the USSR.
The party takes pride in the fact that it has been successful in forming with the help of workers and peasants the world’s first Red Army, in great battles defending and protecting the freedom of the workers and peasants.
The party is proud of the fact that the Red Army succeeded with honour to pass through the difficult path of the most brutal battles against internal as well as external enemies of the working class and peasantry of our country, that it succeeded in forming itself into the greatest fighting revolutionary force to the fear of the enemies of the working class and to the joy of all oppressed and enslaved people.
The party is proud that the Red Army, passing through a lengthy road of liberating the workers and peasants from the yoke of the landowners and capitalists, won finally their right to celebrate the 10th anniversary since it was formed.
Comrades, where does the strength lie and where is the source of the strength of our Red Army?
What are those special characteristics which in root form differentiate our Red Army from all the other armies which existed in the world?
What are those special characteristics which make up the source of the strength and might of our Red Army?
The first and main special quality of our Red Army lies in the fact it is an army of liberated workers and peasants, it is an army of the October Revolution the army of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
All armies that up to now exist under capitalism, no matter who they have serving are still armies that strengthen the power of capital. They were and remain armies of the rule of capital. The bourgeoisie of all countries are lying when they say the army is neutral. This is not true. In bourgeois states, the army is deprived of political rights, it is removed from the political arena. This is true. But this does not at all mean that it is politically neutral. On the contrary everywhere and always in all capitalist countries the army was brought and still is brought into the political struggle serving as a tool for suppressing the working people. Surely this is true that the army suppresses the workers and that it serves as the bulwark of the gentlemen capitalist masters?
Compared to other armies our Red Army possesses that quality of it being an instrument of establishing the power of the workers and peasants, an instrument of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat, an instrument for the liberation of the workers and peasants from the yoke of the landowners and capitalists.
Our army is the army of liberation of the labouring people.
Have you paid attention Comrades, to the fact that deep the past and still nowadays in capitalist countries, the people were afraid and still are afraid of the army, that between the people and the army there exists a barrier separating the army from the people? But what about in our country? We have on the contrary the people and the army make up a single united family. Nowhere in the world are there such loving and caring attitudes on part of the people towards the army like we have here. In our country, the army is loved, respected and cherished by the people. Why is this? Because for the first time in the world the workers and peasants formed their own army which serves not the gentlemen capitalists but the former slaves but liberated workers and peasants.
This where the source of our Red Army comes from.
But what does love of the people to their own army mean? It means that the army will have the strongest rear, and that kind of army is invincible.
What is an army without a strong rear? It is nothing. The biggest and most heavily armed armies have collapsed and been ground to dust without a strong rear, without any support and sympathy on part of the rear, on part of the labouring population. Our army which has the sympathy and support on part of the workers and peasants. The strength lies in this, in its fortress.
Here is how mainly our Red Army differs from all other armies that have existed in the world.
The party’s wishes, its tasks are so that this special quality of the Red Army, its closeness, its brotherly ties with the workers and peasants is preserved and strengthened behind our Red Army.
The second special quality of our Red Army consists in the fact that our army is an army of brotherhood between nations of our country, an army of liberation of the oppressed nations of our country, an army of the protection of the freedom and independence of our country.
In olden times usually armies were educated in the spirit of great power chauvinism, in the spirit of invading other countries, in the spirit of having to subjugate weaker nations. This is explained by the fact that older type armies, capitalist armies were together with those armies of national, colonial oppression. This was one of the biggest weaknesses of the old armies. Our army at the roots differs from other armies of colonial oppression. Its entire essence, its entire system is founded on strengthening friendship between nations of our country, on the idea of liberation of the oppressed peoples, on the idea of defending freedom and independence of the socialist republics that make up the Soviet Union.
In this second and main source of strength and might of our Red Army. In this is the token of the fact that our army at a critical moment will find the greatest support in the millions of the masses of people of all nations and nationalities who inhabit our immense country.
The wishes of the party and its task are that this special quality is preserved and strengthened behind our Red Army.
Finally, the third special quality of the Red Army. It consists in the education and strengthening of the spirit of internationalism inside our army, in the presence of the spirit of internationalism penetrating throughout our Red Army.
In capitalist countries, armies are usually educated in the spirit of hatred towards other states, in the spirit of hatred towards workers and peasants of other countries. What is this done for? It is done to transform the army into a obedient herd in case of a military confrontation between state, between countries. In this lies the source of weakness of all capitalist armies.
Our army is built on a completely different basis. The strength of our Red Army consists in that it is educated from the very first day of its birth in the spirit of internationalism, in the spirit of respect to peoples of other countries, in the spirit of love and respect to workers of all countries, in the spirit of preserving and strengthening peace between countries. And namely because our army is educated in the spirit of internationalism, in the spirit of unity of interests of workers of all countries, namely therefore it is our army and is the army of workers of all countries.
And the fact that this fact is the source of the strength and might of our army, the bourgeoisie of all countries will soon find out if they ever decide to attack our country, for they will see then that our Red Army educated in the spirit of internationalism has an infinite number of friends and allies from all parts of the world from Shanghai to New York, from London to Calcutta.
There you are Comrades, the third and main special quality that penetrates the soul of our army and forming the source of its strength and might.
The wish of the party and its task consists in order that this special quality of our army is also preserved and strengthened. Our army with is strength and might owes itself to these three special qualities.
With this, thus explains the fact that our army knows where it is going because it is not made up of tin soldiers but out of real people, aware and understanding where they are going and what to fight for.
But an army that knows what it is fighting for is invincible comrades.
This is why our Red Army has all grounds to be the best army in the world.
Long live our Red Army!
Long live its fighters!
Long live its leadership!
Long live the dictatorship of the proletariat which gave birth to the Red Army, giving it victory and crowned with glory!
TO THE WORKERS’ MOVEMENT - AN ORGANISED CHARACTER!
ABOUT THE TASKS OF THE COMMUNISTS IN THE CAUSE OF ORGANISING THE WORKERS’ MOVEMENT AND INSTILLING MARXIST-LENINIST IDEOLOGY INTO THE CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE WORKING CLASS
1. The working class is the main revolutionary force of the future socialist revolution in Russia.
In the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR and the catastrophic destruction of industrial production that has led to the sharp fall in the size of the working class, to the destruction of production work collectives, out of the camp of the bourgeois ideologists to all and their collaborators of all shades - opportunists have been handed out the assertion that there is no longer a working class in Russia, like it has degraded and been shattered completely. All of these assertions of the enemies of the working class have led to one sole thought - that the modern-day working class has allegedly ceased to play a progressive role in the development of society and no longer has any historical future.
The task of these venerable ideologues of the bourgeoisie was and is ideologically and morally disorganise the working class of Russia - the main antagonist and gravedigger of the bourgeoisie , to sow in its consciousness distrust in in its revolutionary possibilities, to undermine the belief of a section of politically conscious workers who have taken to the path of class struggle in the correctness and truth of Marxist-Leninist ideology - the only true and only revolutionary ideology pointing out the way and methods of the working class and all working people from capitalist slavery. Bourgeois ideologues faithfully carrying out the orders of their masters on discrediting Marxist -Leninist theory have aimed their weapon first and foremost against the doctrine on the world-wide historical mission of the proletariat as the main moving force in the cause of the liquidation of capitalism and the building of a new communist society.
However, with this, these stooges of the bourgeoisie thus could not with any sense explain who then, personally speaking creates all the material values of modern bourgeois society, who sows the bread and produces foodstuffs, builds machines and constructs buildings and housing, builds roads, extracts oil, drives trains and buses, who provides the functioning of our production enterprises, despite their destruction on a gigantic scale and mass closures.
Even the bourgeois statistics show that around half of all those people working in the economy work in branches of material production that is - industry, agriculture, construction , transport and communications, branches where the national income of society is created and where a significant share of it is formed by branches of industry - the main branch of capitalist economy. Despite all the cunningness and falsification of bourgeois propaganda, the working class was and remains the main productive force of society, the main producer of material wealth.
Before crossing over to a short analysis of the state and size of the working class in Russia, we need to defining the working class from the Marxist -Leninist point of view.
Under capitalism, the working class or the proletariat is a class of hired workers deprived of their own means of production, living exclusively by way of the sale of his or her labour power and exploited by capital directly in the process of capitalist production. It is namely the working class that is occupied in the branches of material production, creates the national income of society which as a consequence is distributed between the main classes and stratum of bourgeois society including a huge part that goes into the non-productive sphere.
If one turns to the skimpy data of bourgeois statistics relating to state and number of workers of Russia then it turns out that the Russian working class and its natural allies - the working peasantry and working intelligentsia come out as the main social force of the restored in Russia bourgeois society.
According to data of Russian bourgeois statistics (mainly the “Russian annual of statistics” -2005) in all branches of the economy, around 30 million workers are occupied in work which makes up approximately half of people occupied in the economy, and the majority of these workers relate to branches of material production, to the sphere of industry, construction, agriculture and forestry, transport and communication. One has to note that during the last few years (1999 -20040 a positive tendency of the growth in the number of workers by 2 million has been observed, but with this mainly in the sphere of construction, transport and non-productive /service sphere. The number of industrial workers from year to year is falling due to mainly the transfer of workers from industry over into other branches of social production.
Further, one needs to note that together with workers registered at enterprises and by state statistics, there exists a huge mass of workers in different branches of the economy having immigrated from the republics of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States), primarily from Central Asia and Caucasus working in Russia illegally. According to statistics, the number of illegally working migrants in Russia amounts to around 10 million people. And more than that, one has to consider that the a large layer of hired workers are employed and occupied in the so-called in the unofficial sector (13 million). The number of unemployed mostly industrial workers searching for work amounts to 5 million. Thus, these figures substantially increase the size of the working class in Russia.
Further, despite the destruction of major industrial enterprises and work collectives, which has led to the scattering and declassifying of the working class, industrial workers continue to play the decisive role among other units of the working class and all working people. In industry the most qualified section of the working class is concentrated (around 2/3 of industrial workers are skilled), around 1/3 of all workers work in industry (just over 9 million industrial workers), where compared to other branches, a high level of concentration of production and labour force has been preserved. One cannot but notice that in industry, enterprises are advantageously related to major enterprises, that is, with the number of workers at an enterprise amounting to more than 500 people. Despite the fact that machine building and metallurgy have been to great extent destroyed - the leading branched of material production, more than 1/3 of the total number of industrial -production personnel are employed namely in these branches.
From these facts it is obvious that it is namely the working class which is the most concentrated and skilled out of all the other ranks of the working people, out of common mass of workers of hired labour. this cannot but determine its fighting qualities, spirit of collectivism and cohesion, a level of awareness and organisational character, that is, those qualities which play the decisive role in the organised struggle of the working people against capital and strongly differ the working class from other ranks of the exploited masses.
Thus, despite the sharp fall in the numbers that make up the working class during the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR, the destruction of large-scale production collectives, the processes of declassifying the working class, despite all this, the working class has been kept intact and preserved, and preserves its main quality as the main production and social force of society.
Further, one should not forget that the working class has its loyal and natural allies - the working peasantry and working intelligentsia. In the process of the scientific-technolo gical revolution the number of allies of the working class expands, firstly among the agricultural workers, working intelligentsia, some workers in the retail trade employed in the branches of capitalist economy and living sole on the sale of his or her own labour power, allies who by their relationship to property and ownership along with other class-forming signs, side with the working class, by its material status is found even in a worse situation than others units of the working class (teachers, doctors, hired workers the retail trade, peasants), and that is even before talking about the most impoverished layers of the population (pensioners, student youth and others). All this strengthens the social base of the working class, its possibility to unite to the various stratum of the population, making them its allies.
In present-day conditions, the working class and its allies - the working peasantry and working intelligentsia is the main social force and natural revolutionary force, and they make up by far the majority of the population of the country. The leading role, the role of the leader in the struggle for a socialist revolution like before belongs to the working class, the proletariat as the main productive force of society, as the most organised and concentrated by the process itself of major capitalist production unit of all the working people and exploited masses.
2. The reasons for the political apathy of the modern Russian working class and its allies.
The working class and its allies preserve their main quality as the main revolutionary force of the epoch, as the fundamental moving force of the future socialist revolution in Russia.
But at the same time in modern conditions the working class is not demonstrating the necessary political activity in the struggle against bourgeois society in accordance with its historically determined role as the gravedigger of capitalism and the creator of a new socialist society, in the mass of its own does not trust and is not moving towards communism, does not except Marxist -Leninist ideology as its own.
The explanation to this one needs to search for in the deep processes that have occurred in the past several decades in objective as well as subjective order.
One of the main reasons is in the sharp decline and declassification of the working class in the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR that could not but undermine its militant, revolutionary characteristics and its collective spirit.
The sharp fall and destruction of the main productive force of society - the working class was conditioned not only and even not so much the action of the spontaneous laws of the restored capitalist economy, but primarily by the deliberate activity of the newly appeared bourgeoisie who its main blow directed towards the destruction of major production collectives, towards the destruction of the Soviet working class which made up 60% of the population and was the chief social danger for the appearing bourgeoisie . The bourgeoisie understood perfectly well that the working class comes out as the main social defence for socialist society, its moving force.
If one takes the number of industrial-producti on personnel (workers and engineering -technical workers) as the basis, then in general, the following picture is drawn. For the period of the restoration of capitalism, the number of industrial-producti on personnel of Russia dropped practically by twice (from 20 thousand in 1990 to 14 thousand in 2004) and the number of workers in industry has continued to decline over the past few years and continues unabated today. The sharp fall in the size of the industrial proletariat is connected with catastrophic destruction of major industrial enterprises, whole giants of industry built by several generations of Soviet people and stolen from them by the restorers of capitalism, and together with them, the destruction of major work collectives, having been the concentration of the working class, its collectivism, unity and solidarity.
It was not only the sharp fall in the numerical size of the working class that occurred, but an intensive process of its dismemberment and declassification also took place which is continues today. Workers, technicians, engineers and other workers of enterprises have been thrown onto the streets, forced to take up trading, commerce, search for work on the side, sign on at job centres etc. Workers started becoming disunited and an huge number of workers lost connection with their work environment, with their production collectives, became declassed and dequalified. More than that, also in the framework of the given production enterprises the process of their break up and splitting took place (the number of operating major and middle-sized organisations in industry during the period 1990 - 2004 grew approximately 6 times with a two-fold reduction in industrial -production personnel), which weakened the connection of workers in the framework of the given collective.
All this has undermined and continues to undermine the militant qualities and collectivist spirit of the still preserved but quite broken up work collectives as stronghold of the workers’ movement, as the stronghold of the political activity of the masses. All this has led to and is leading to a strengthening of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology among the working masses.
Further, the working class today like in the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR in the main is occupied with the problem of survival. One cannot but remember the words of Lenin when he said that modern wage slaves on the strength of capitalist exploitation remain so oppressed by need and poverty that they are not “up to democracy”, “not up to politics”, that “under the normal peaceful flow of events, the majority of the population is removed from participation in social-political life. (Col. works v.33 p.87, Russian).
In modern conditions when the bourgeoisie has finally been able to pay bay all wage arrears, the stop the mass barrage collapse in industry and other areas of the economy none the less cannot stop the further absolute and relative impoverishment of the proletariat and other working people of Russia.
It is not just the gap between the rich and the poor, between a small handful of capitalists and the huge masses of working people that is growing, but on a daily basis the material condition of the workers is getting worse, and uncertainty in the morrow is growing. The further attack of capital against the rights and interests of the working people is happening, along the line of social benefits, along the line of rising rent tariffs, for public services, for petrol and basic foodstuffs. The salaries of the majority of workers remains like before at an extremely low level, at the level with at times not providing enough for the reproduction of slave labour. Such unprotected layers of the population such as pensioners, war and labour veteran and invalids live in extreme poverty. Housing, cars, expensive household goods up to now remain inaccessible to the majority of the working people, especially for young workers. Education, medicine and science are all being hurriedly transferred over onto a commercial basis which then in turn attracts further hikes in prices for services in education and medicine. The threatening process of population extinction continues unabated, the population of which is falling by 1 million people each year and this is taking into account immigration into Russia from other countries of the CIS. And that is not speaking about the high level of unemployment, the growth of child homelessness, disease, crime, moral degradation of society etc., etc.. The sanitary-hygiene conditions and health and safety conditions in industry remain horrific, confirmed by periodic explosions in mines, air crashes and other catastrophes which are the consequence of the continuing degradation of the material-technical base of the economy.
One cannot but notice the fact also that during the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR as well as in the present conditions, the bourgeoisie aims to disunite and alienate the working class on national, professional , wealth and other signs with the aim in undermining solidarity between workers, to infect them with the virus of nationalism and individualism. National discord between the Russian working class and workers who have arrived, immigrant workers firstly from the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus. Sections of the workers engaged in material production, especially foremen, leading hands/supervisors, sections of the most highly qualified workers and engineer-technical workers, and sections of workers working in the branches of export of products like oil, gas are bribed at a higher level than other working people in wages and reasonable conditions of existence. The bourgeoisie in modern conditions do everything in order to form among the workers a layer of workers’ aristocracy, and rely on this layer to exert on the main mass of workers a strong influence of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology. For igniting hostility between workers, the bourgeoisie uses the workers’ division according to profession - divided into skilled and unskilled workers, into workers and engineers-technical workers, into the main mass of the production collectives and non-commissioned officers (supervisors- leading hands, foremen, heads of production shop floors and sections, economists-technolo gists, accountants and others)into workers who are in trades unions and workers who are not members of any union, into “blue-collar” workers and “white-collar” workers etc..
Disuniting and splitting the workers, the bourgeoisie relying on the ramified state apparatus, on the punitive organs, using the courts, prosecutors, police, special police battalions (OMON), they aims, by use of threats, blackmail, violence and other dirty methods and means not distaining to anything in suppressing and smashing the political will of the workers for struggle, demoralising them and dispelling them of their smallest desire to defend their rights and interests. The factory administration and local organs of power threaten workers with dismissal for participating in strikes, persecute activists of the workers’ movement by way of bringing about administrative and criminal cases against them, pressurise the workers via pressure on their loved ones and relatives, beat up activists of the movement. There have also been cases of weapons being used against workers and connected to blood spilling among workers (events at the Vyborgsky TsBK plant). This cannot but have a negative impact on the workers, the moral and psychological pressure on the workers’ masses, especially on the more unsteady and politically unaware elements, by dampening any kind of wish to fight for their rights and defend their comrades with whom they work.
One of the factors of the lowering of the political activity of the masses is the fact that the bourgeoisie has been in the past few years hurriedly trying to satisfy one of the main demands of the working people of the middle and end of the 1990-s, which brought about strong legal indignation and anger of people of labour - to put an end to wage arrears which were held back for months at a time. The working people have received satisfaction in the main concerning the given demand, lost some of their hardness tempered in struggle and took to survival.
Further. The main tragedy which reveals the deep causes of the absence of political activity among workers, their distrust towards communists and socialist ideology is the fact that the main strike force of the restoration of capitalism was the CPSU - the political headquarters of the working class, its vanguard. In the period of Gorbastroika when the material state of the workers sharply worsened, chaos arose in the economy of the country, periodic queuing , a shortage of foodstuffs, when the Gorbachev leadership of the CPSU was feeding the workers with empty pledges and promises, the CPSU lost any kind of trust among workers and all working people. The loss of trust in the leadership of the CPSU meant the loss of trust in communists in general and to the communist ideology as such. This explains why the workers did not follow the communists - who they stopped trusting, but followed the restorers of capitalism who promised the working people an improvement in their material conditions and overcoming chaos in the economy.
When the restorers of capitalism as a result of the breaking up of production and direct theft of the working people and all the national wealth showed their true face in the eyes of the working people as class enemies, the workers once again have turned their eyes towards the communists, and reorientation of the consciousness of the working people has occurred onto the side of recognising the necessity of resurrecting socialism, onto the side of a socialist prospect of the development of the country. This is explained in particular by the fact that in the parliamentary and presidential election campaigns of 1995 -1996 and 1999 - 2000, the majority of working people spoke out against the existing bourgeois regime (around 2/3 of the population), a significant number of them voted for the CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation - (Zyuganov)), who in those conditions they saw as a communist party coming out in favour of the revival of socialism. This was trust, once again shown to the communists and the communist idea.
But that is just the point, that the relay baton that the Khrushchevite - Brezhnevite and Gorbachev- Yakovlevsky leadership of the CPSU on fooling the masses was seized by the Zyuganovite leadership of the CPRF, these abettors of the class of exploiters, betrayers of socialism. Instead of firmly keeping to a policy towards a transition of a revolutionary situation in the country into a socialist revolution which would have stopped the restoration of capitalism and guaranteed the revival of socialism, the CPRF turned to class betrayal of the interests of the working class, to conspiring with the counterrevolutionar y power of Yeltsin, having replaced revolutionary work with some useless parliamentary chitter-chatter, letting off of steam during meetings and demonstrations. The working class was once again deceived and disorganised. The workers nowadays believe neither the restorers of capitalism or the communists (who have embodied themselves with the counterrevolutionar y , traitorous CPSU and the social-democratic, bourgeois CPRF0, they have for a long time been fed up with empty promises and in their fight for survival rely solely on themselves.
There is hardly anything surprising in the fact that the workers do not trust the communists who they embodied themselves with the CPSU, with those partocrats of the higher or middle rank, 87% of whom as a result became businessmen, traders of stocks and shares, bankers, well known officials in the Yeltsinist administration, tore into the process of robbing the common wealth and dignity of the working people. And the CPRF when in its membership stand big businessmen, when the well-fed leaders of the CPRF flicker in front of the working people from the TV screens, with their parliamentary (Duma) privileges and apartments, with their high salaries and carefree life cannot also but summons justifiable repugnance on part of the working people.
A. KRYLENKO
Member of the AUCPB
Novosibirsk
(Article to be continued)
(Serp I Molot No 11 November 2006)
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FOR BOLSHEVISM No 3 (48) MARCH 2007


WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
FOR BOLSHEVISM


INSIDE THE COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' MOVEMENT
No 3 (48) MARCH 2007
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CONTENTS
1---- 8 MARCH, COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY!
2---- REPORT OF COMRADE S.V. KRISTYENKO DEVOTED TO 127 BIRTHDAY OF J.V. STALIN (THE INNER PARTY OPPOSITION 1920 - 1938)
3---- TO THE WORKERS' MOVEMENT - AN ORGANISED CHARACTER!
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8 MARCH, COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY!
THE ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLSHEVIKS (AUCPB) CONGRATULATES OUR WOMEN READERS AND DISTRIBUTORS OF BOLSHEVIK PRESS MATERIAL AND ALL WOMEN WORKERS ON 8 MARCH - INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY - A COMMUNIST DAY OF CELEBRATION!
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The report of comrade S.V. Khristenko at the All-Union scientific-practical conference devoted to the 127-th anniversary from the date of the birth of J.V.Stalin
INNER-PARTY OPPOSITION 1920-1938
The theme of my speech is the course of struggle against inner-party opposition in the first twenty years of Soviet power, till 1938. The struggle was very active, actually - continuous. I shall stop, first of all, on questions on the methods and the purposes of oppositional struggle of those years, about their evolution, about results of the struggle, about the significance of this struggle for the history of our Soviet Fatherland, and for the present too.
I shall mention only the major stages of the struggle: the discussion "About trade unions" (1920), discussions in connection with the publication of articles by Trotsky " the New Policy ", " About the lessons of October " (1923-1924), " New opposition " (1925), discussion "About the social democratic deviation in CPSU(b) (1926), Events of 1927, Trotsky's and Zinovyev's expulsion from the Central Committee, the long struggle against right deviation - Buharin, Rykov, Tomsky (1928-1930). The opposition was broken at the head in the open party struggle and turned to underground, terrorist methods. The natural result: the murder of Kirov, and the well known processes of 1934-1938.
First of all - it is necessary to understand, that struggle against opposition at all was not a personal struggle of Stalin - Trotsky, Stalin - Zinovyev etc. It was, first of all, a struggle of ideas, a struggle of various plans of construction of socialism in the USSR, of a very differing vision of parity of class forces.
Under the influence of speeches by the opposition against the policy of the party in 1920, the X Congress adopted the resolution "About unity of the party", written by Lenin's hand where it says: "congress orders to dismiss immediately everything, without exception, formed on this or that platform or groups, and charges to all organizations to more strictly watch for and not allow any fractional speeches. Non-abidance to this decision of congress carries unconditional and immediate expulsion from the party ".
This fundamental document always caused rabid hate of the oppositionists. Divergences between party and opposition were not on minor, but, as a rule, on the major questions of party and state construction.
So, in the known discussion about trade unions and their place in the Soviet state system, there arose in 1920 "the workers' opposition" that suggested the organizing of the management of the national economy through the All-Russia Congress of manufacturers, united in the professional industrial unions (trades unions). Lenin specified, that " the ideas underlying it and other similar applications, are radically wrong theoretically, being a complete break with Marxism and communism ". The X Congress decided concerning the "working opposition": "1. To recognize the necessary steady and systematic struggle against these as "ideas"; 2. To recognize propagation of these ideas (i.e. anarcho-syndicalism, Ñ.Õ.) as incompatible with belonging to the Russian Communist Party (RCP)".
In autumn of 1923 there was the catastrophic problem of "price cuts" between the prices for agricultural products and for products of industry. With what should the party be guided by in solving this question? The party consistently defended the position that only the alliance of the proletariat with the labouring peasantry can lead to the victory of socialism. The opposition stood on the point of view of exploitation of the middle peasant economy, denying as a whole the "socialist potential" of the peasant masses. This was fixed in the "theory" Preobrazhensky about the so-called law "on initial socialist accumulation". The party rejected the Trotskyite view on the peasant economy as a "colony" of the proletariat, and decided that it is necessary "to involve the great mass of the peasantry in the cooperative organization and to provide this organization with socialist development, overcoming and superseding its capitalist elements". The widely developed after collectivization of agriculture strengthened the alliance of the working class with the great masses of peasantry - poor and middle peasants.
The major significance for the determination of the correct policy of construction of socialism in the USSR in conditions of the outlined stabilization of world capitalism had discussions about the opportunity of construction of socialism in one separately taken country. The XIV party conference (1925) in its decision wrote down: " The experience of the Russian revolution has proved, that such first victory in one country not only is possible, but under a number of favorable circumstances this first country of victorious proletarian revolution can hold on and be strengthened for the long period even in that case when its support does not pour out in the form of direct proletarian revolutions in other countries ". Further the resolution is wisely noted: " The FINAL victory of socialism in the sense of a full guarantee from restoration of bourgeois relations is possible ONLY internationally (or in the several DECIDING countries) ".
In this formulation - the direct answer to the obstinate the theory defended by Trotsky that in such country as agrarian Russia, with domination of the peasant population, it is impossible to build a complete socialist society without "state help" of countries more developed in the technical and economic sense.
The question on industrialization in the USSR was solved in the furious struggle against the opposition. Before the XIV congress (autumn of 1925) there were many publications by oppositional figures saying that the USSR for a long time should remain an agrarian country on the advantage, exporting on an increasing scale a lot of agricultural products and instead of them, importing equipment and other goods. These views were developed, in particular, by Shanin, and they were supported by Sokol'nikov.
The congress rejected such ideas. It decided, that it is necessary " to provide for the USSR economic independence, preserving it from transformation into an appendage of the capitalist world economy and to head for industrialization of the country, development of manufacture of means of production and formation of reserves for economic maneuvering ".
As a whole, the struggle of a party and opposition went on the broad audience of questions: about sources of financing of industrialization (the opposition says - it is necessary to increase taxes on the middle peasant, leave high prices on industrial goods, the Central Committee says - it is necessary to reduce prices, with that - improvement of economic situation of working class and peasantry), concerning liquidation of unemployment (the opposition demagogically demanded - to liquidate unemployment within one year, the Central Committee answered - liquidation of unemployment is possible only in process of root changes in the national economy).
What methods did the opposition use at various stages of the struggle against the party? Having begun in 1920 a struggle against the party with correct methods of inner-party discussion, from the open statement of the ideological positions, the opposition, suffering one defeat after another, had rolled down to double-dealing - one spoke obviously, and other decisions were adopted at secret meetings, published in their bulletins for closed use. Corresponding rules of conspiracy were introduced, underground printing houses were organized. In 1927 things got so bad that the audiotorium in Baumansky school (ÌVÒU) where the members of the Central Committee and TsiK were not admitted was violently seized. They were met by threats and fists. On November, 7th, 1927 groups of Trotskyites tried to shout out during a celebratory demonstration oppositional slogans and toasts in honour of leaders of the opposition. The disgraceful way in the 1930-s of the opposition was completed by their service to foreign spies, the organization of sabotage in the national economy, the murder of objectionable to them honest party workers, and military plots against the Soviet power.
So, close to Trotsky, E.A. Dreitser admitted, that in 1934 he had received Trotsky's written instruction on the preparation of an act of terrorism against Comrades Stalin and Voroshilov. The content of the letter of Trotsky was short. It began with the following words: "Dear friend! Pass this on, that for today before us stand the following primary goals: the first - to remove Stalin and Voroshilov, the second - to develop work on the organization of cells in the army, the third - in case of war to use any failures and confusion for the seizing of power".
The XV congress (1927) ascertained, that the opposition had ideologically broken off with Leninism. Considering, that disagreements between party and opposition from tactical ones growing into party program disaggreements, that the Trotskyite opposition objectively became the factor of anti-soviet struggle, the XV congress has declared to be an accessory to the Trotskyite opposition and propagation of its views incompatible with belonging to the ranks of the Bolshevik party.
After being exiled abroad in 1929 Trotsky began to wear the policy of the CPSU (B) practically on all questions, "in a black way". The published by him "Bulletin of the opposition" demanded the dissolution of state farms, abolition of a greater part of collective farms. Trotsky called for the suspension of the "prize-winning gallop of industry", that was as a matter of fact, a rejection of industrialization. Trotsky christened the sincere enthusiasm of workers-Stakhanovites as insidiousness of the Kremlin ", in the program document written by him there was even a slogan "down with the Stakhanovite movement". In the article "The New Constitution of the USSR " Trotsky called for the rejection of a one-party system as a structure of Soviet society as it ostensibly "creates favorable enough opportunities for the formation of several parties". For Trotsky these were not simply appeals, - the Trotskyites in the USSR had set up underground organizations for the purpose of coming to power through a "political revolution" . On the aggression of Germany in France, Trotsky responded with a statement which came under the name "We shall not change our policy" which was distributed in France as a leaflet. Armed resistance against the hitlerite troops Trotsky declared as "incompatible with internationalism".
The struggle of the party, the Stalin Central Committee, against the opposition was actually continuous. Was it necessary to spend energy and strength on an uncompromising struggle against the opposition? I shall cite the opinion of the enemy - Adolf Hitler. The leader of nazi Germany by dignity evaluated Stalin's political foresight. Speaking on May, 8th, 1943 at a meeting with with the Reichleiters and Hauleiters, the Fuhrer with irritation ascertained, that Stalin had that advantage, that in the USSR "there does not remain practically any opposition", that "Bolshevism on time freed itself from this threat and can direct therefore all energy on the struggle against the enemy", and this, Hitler noted, "has put an end to defeatism."
The role that J.V.Stalin personally played in the ideological and organizational defeat of the opposition is huge. The struggle against the slogans of the opposition was the hardest thing having demanded a thorough analysis of them, a comparison of them to the works of the classics with the real political and economic situation, revealing the unworkability or inaccuracies of those, or other appeals of the opposition, the proof of it laid out in simple and convincing language. And Stalin proved to be the greatest master in this struggle. In Stalin's works about fifty five works are devoted entirely or in a significant part to questions of struggle against the opposition.
At the XVI congress in 1930, Stalin gave a deep characteristic of the social nature of the deviations that existed in the party. Stalin paid attention to the fact that the working class is not separated by "a Chinese wall" from other classes that it lives not in "vacuum", that the environment consists of various classes and social groups.
A socialist attack causes resistance by the classes that are becoming obsolete. A reflection of resistance of those classes becoming obsolete also are all kinds of deviations from the Leninist line in the ranks of the party. A socialist attack therefore demands a ruthless, uncompromising struggle against deviations and especially with right deviation as the main danger at the given stage. Though the Trotskyites and right opportunists reflect the moods of the dying off classes, between them there is also an essential difference.
Stalin in his speech said: " … The essence Trotskyism consists, first of all, in the denying of the opportunity of constructing of socialism in the USSR by the forces of the working class and peasantry of our country", " in denying the chance of involving the main masses of peasantry in the cause of socialist construction in the countryside", " in denying the necessity of iron discipline in the party, in recognising of freedom of fractional groupings in the party, in the recognition of the necessity of the formation Trotskyite parties", "the strength of the right opportunism consists in the strength of petty-bourgeois elements, in the strength of pressure on the party from capitalist elements in general, from wealthier peasants (kulaks) - in particular ". Formally recognizing, unlike Trotskyites of the possibilty of building socialism in the USSR, the rightist deviationists did not recognize the ways of construction of socialism planned by the party or the inevitability and necessity of irreconcilable class struggle and the developed socialist approach to capitalist elements. They "slide over to the position in practice on the point of view of denying of the opportunity of construction of socialism in the USSR". "The core evils of right opportunism consists that it breaks off from the Leninist understanding of class struggle and slides over to the point of view of petty-bourgeois liberalism ".
Stalin called for "the continuing and henceforth uncompromising struggle on two fronts, against the "left", representing petty-bourgeois radicalism, and against the right, representing petty-bourgeois liberalism ".
How did Stalin treat the criticism of the opposition of him personally? Here are his words in a speech at a session of the unified plenum of the Central Committee and TsiK Of the CPSU (B) ÖÊÊ ÂÊÏ on October, 23rd, 1927 in the section "Some minor questions":" Comrades! I have little time, therefore I shall speak on separate questions. First of all on a personal moment. You heard here as Stalin's oppositionists diligently abuse, not regretting forces. It does not surprise me, comrades. That fact, that the main attacks are directed against Stalin, this fact speaks that Stalin knows, better, maybe, than some our comrades, the tricks of opposition, to inflate him, perhaps, not so easily, and here they direct the blow first of all against Stalin. Well, let them swear on..."
Having got acquainted with the ideological essence of discussions of 1920-s -1930-s, you understand, that as the perestroika slanderers against Marxism-Leninism, personally against Stalin, and present bourgeois "ideologists" scoop up their own "theoretical baggage" from the garbage bin where history threw that what already has been a very long time ago told-and is retold by different oppositional groupings in the 1920-s -1930-s that for a long time has been in detail exposed as a spiteful forgery, and resolutely rejected by the party.
The history of the oppositional struggle of the 1920-s -1930-s is not at all an "ancient legend", they are actual facts, only knowing of which we can correctly answer questions: "How did the Bolshevik party created by Lenin and nurtured by Stalin turn into a rotten CPSU which handed over everything - both heroic work and victims of generations of the Soviet people and destiny of the country - on demand to the mongrels - democrat-bastards and their transatlantic masters in yankland?", "How was it possible for the bourgoeisie to "suddenly" bring the great and proud Soviet people to their knees, the Soviet people - the victor?" "How was it possible to wreck the mighty Soviet Union?". There is no "suddenly" present here at all! Everything is the consequence of one thing - the rejection under influence of opportunism (Khruschevite, Brezhnevite opportunism) of the tested by time and struggle of the thesis of Bolshevism, including - the rejection of the strict requirement of ideological unity of the party, from that understanding, that false hypocracy has no place in a Bolshevik party!
To be able to expose the slander against Marxism-Leninism, against the great epoch of construction of socialism in our country, we should know history well of the party, thoroughly, in a Stalin-like way, to study the history of oppositional struggle, to be able to see in the "latest" approaches, in ostensibly Marxist theories, their rotten bourgeois essence.
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TO THE WORKERS MOVEMENT - AN ORGANISED CHARACTER!
On tasks of the communists in the affair of organising the workers movement and instilling Marxist -Leninist ideology into the consciousness of the working class
- CONTINUED FROM FEBRUARY 07 "FOR BOLSHEVISM"
- The orientation of the main mass of workers and all working people not towards a class struggle against the attack of capital in the period of the restoration of capitalism, when in society there was a high level of tension of revolutionary struggle, but towards dead-end parliamentary games playing by the rules of the bourgeoisie, towards class collaboration with the exploiters - by fault of Zyuganovite social democracy and Shmakovskyite trade unions;
It is well know what role social democracy and traitorous trade unions play in the conditions of capitalist society. It is an agent of monopoly capital in the workers’ movement, propagators of bourgeois influence over the proletariat. The CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) together with the treacherous Shmakovskyite trades unions propagate bourgeois ideology in the workers’ movement, a rejection of revolutionary methods of struggle, a rejections of the struggle for socialism, sow parliamentary illusions among working people, the ideology of class collaboration between the exploiters and those who are being exploited give up to anathema Marxist -Leninist ideology as the only truly scientific theory. All this leads to a strengthening of the influence of bourgeois ideology on the proletariat, towards a weakening of the socialist ideology. One also cannot but notice also the definite role of the policy of appeasement and compromise in relation to right opportunism, when dubious election factions form blocks with the CPRF, when several people calling themselves communists harness themselves to the common team of "parliamentary cretinism" and impetuously extol the restorative processes in Belarus, China under a hubbub of socialist rhetoric etc., and also the widely spread ideology of anti-Stalinism, Trotskyism, anarcho-syndicalism, "left" opportunism and other such petty bourgeois ideology in the communist movement providing noxious influence on the consciousness of the working people.
- The huge role in brainwashing social consciousness of the working people is played by the mass media, especially the television which day by day blackened and criticised the heroic Soviet past, the building by us of a socialist state in battles, they have discredited the great communist idea, the Marxist -Leninist ideology with the help of lies, deceit, falsification and garbling and they have spat upon the leading role of the communist party in Soviet society. More than that, with the aid of the mass media a false model of the only communist Zyuganov has been created who in reality is a betrayer and wrecker, an assistant and accomplice of the bourgeoisie in the cause of fooling the working masses.
A the result of raining down onto the consciousness of the working people a barrage of anti-Stalinism, anti-communism and anti-Sovietism, they have lost orientation in the present political atmosphere, have lost faith in the socialist future of the country, reject the Marxist -Leninist theory replacing it with different types of "ideas" and "little ideas" of various types of intriguing demagogues on the television and in the press, of "patriotic" rhetoric by the powers to be and the sickening pronouncements of the church hierarchy, the opportunist lullaby songs of the bourgeois agents in the workers’ movement. More than that, in society with the aid of the mass media, the cult of violence, debauchery, arbitrariness, individualism according to the principle, "I’m alright Jack", "it’s no concern of mine", "as long as I’m alright" etc., an unprecedented moral decay of society is well underway. The bourgeoisie is doing everything it can in order to transform the working people not just into economic slaves but also into spiritual, moral slaves demoralising them, instilling among them their own beastlike human -hating ideology and moral standards.
Such are the main factors of the objective and subjective order leading to the loss by the working class of socialist ideology, their class consciousness towards political apathy, to distrust in the socialist prospects of the development of our country.
3. The main task - is to bring Marxist-Leninist theory, socialist ideology into the working class.
From here flows the main task of the communists, if the latter stands on the positions of recognising the necessity of a socialist revolution and a dictatorship of the proletariat namely to instil into the minds of the working class Marxist -Leninist theory, socialist ideology, to return to the working class belief in its revolutionary possibilities, in the socialist perspective of the country’s development.
"Marxism -Leninism is the science about the laws of the development of nature and society, about a revolution of the oppressed and exploited masses, about the victory of socialism in all countries, about the construction of a communist society. The creators of Marxism -Leninism are the great leaders and teachers of the proletariat of the whole world K. Marx, F. Engels, V.I.Lenin, J.V. Stalin. (Large Soviet Encyclopaedia 2nd Edition).
Marxism -Leninism is the revolutionary ideology of the working class, the only true, only scientific, only revolutionary ideology pointing out the way and means for liberating the working masses from capitalist oppression, the paths and means for the construction of a new, communist society. Without arming the working class with Marxist-Leninist theory, without connecting the workers’ movement with scientific socialism, the proletariat and its allies, it will get lost in the darkness and will never be able to cast from itself the yoke of exploitation.
"…Social-democratic consciousness of the workers could not have been. It could only be brought in from outside. The history of all countries shows that the workers by their own strength can develop only trade unionist consciousness…"(V.I. Lenin).
"The question is put only this way: bourgeois or socialist ideology. There is no middle ground here…Therefore any deviation from it means a strengthening of bourgeois ideology (V.I. Lenin).
"….The worker’s movement without socialism - is like stamping one feet in the same place, in the framework of capitalism, lost around private ownership which if that leads at some time to a social revolution than who knows when and at what price of such torment" (J.V. Stalin).
"…In our time there can exist only two ideologies - socialist and bourgeois, and where the first one is absent the second one is definitely present (J.V. Stalin).
One of the main tasks of the communist movement in Russia at the present stage of development is its bolshevization, that is the crossover of it onto positions of revolutionary ideology of Marxism-Leninism, onto positions of Bolshevism, Leninism as Marxism in the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions. In short, the bolshevization of the communist movement in Russia means: - the shift of communist parties over onto positions of Leninism, this is the course set for a revolutionary change of the social political system;
- party building on the basis of democratic centralism, criticism and self criticism, strict conscious party discipline;
- decisive delimitation with opportunism, revisionism and petty bourgeois revolutionism;
- the proletariatization of the revolutionary movement, the freeing it from tailism, dependence, appeasement and capitulation.
The communist and workers movement becoming bolshevised and is Leninist is necessary because the idea becomes a force when it is possessed by the masses (Lenin).
The process of bolshevization in the communist movement regardless of anyone’s wishes, since it bases itself on the natural changes in the arrangement of class forces, on the inevitability of delimiting the revolutionary - proletarian wing of the communist movement from the opportunist, appeasing wing of petty bourgeois revolutionism. By not solving the question of the bolshevization of the communist movement on the territory of the USSR, one cannot count on a defeat of the bourgeois counter-revolution.
4. Some lessons from the strike movement - struggle of the working class in the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR.
It is necessary to in short to stop on the main lessons learned from the strike movement -struggle which had its place in the past in connection with the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. An analysis of these lessons is needed in order to reveal the weak and strong sides of the workers’ movement in Russia, since in present day conditions the strike struggle is continuing although it carries a single character.
Further, an analysis of this struggle is especially needed in order that in its wide development in the future, - and it will inevitably be loaded with a new force - to try to overcome its weaker sides, direct it into the channel of a wide political struggle, to achieve the aims and tasks set forth before the workers’ movement, namely - the overthrowing of the rule of the bourgeoisie, the victory of the proletarian revolution, establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviets of workers, peasants and working intelligentsia.
The relatively wide character of the strike movement in Russia in the period of the restoration of capitalism, especially in the period 1995- 1999 once again with especially large force confirms that in modern conditions there is only one revolutionary force in the country - this is the working class and its allies the peasantry and the working intelligentsia.
The strong side of the strike movement of this period is the participation in the strike of a wide circle of various ranks of the working people - those who went out on strike were not only workers, not just machine builders and miners, energy sector workers and workers in the nuclear industry but also other ranks of the working people - teachers and doctors, scientists and workers in pedagogy, pensioners and the youth, communication workers etc. in a word, in the strike struggle there took part also the allies of the proletariat in struggle - and foremost the representatives of the working intelligentsia.
Further, the strike struggle all the more gained a organised character, strike committees, workers’ Soviets, salvage committees and other organs of running the strike struggle were formed. There were rare occasions when workers went out on strike without forming any of the above fighting organs.
There were often cases although not that many, when workers showed much needed solidarity and unity, when several collectives went out on strike supporting each other when the collective like a single entity in unity defending its interests, when several regions of the country rose up to the struggle (the miners). In this case the workers from their own experience were convinced that being organised - is the main weapon of the working class in the struggle against the attack of capital.
Together with strikes that were either political or economic in their demands, the working people used other more decisive forms of class struggle of the proletariat and namely: blocking main roads in the towns and cities including railway lines, blocking entrances into factories and plants, administration buildings, taking directors and other managers of the factory administration and local power bodies hostage and others. And although such cases were rare, with the exception of blocking transport, the bourgeoisie are especially afraid of namely such revolutionary, unauthorised methods of struggle when the working masses, brought to a state of desperation, defy bourgeois legality and take on decisive methods of struggle. One can remember in this case the experience of the Soviets way back during Tsarist times when workers in defiance seized control over enterprises and established revolutionary order in the town regardless and despite all the existing laws and in defiance of these laws.
But at the same time, the workers’ movement of this time had its defects which defined the main contours and face of this movement, namely:
1) Strikes were mostly local in character, not expanding any further than a single enterprise of region; the workers’ strikes were disunited, disconnected with each other.
2) Despite that various ranks of the working people took part in the strikes, not just from industrial production but all those in the sphere of education and healthcare were few in number.
3) The working people in the main put forward mainly economic demands and mainly to demand to end wage arrears and if political demands were made it was mainly for the president and government to resign;
4) The strikes by workers occurred spontaneously, without a planned preparation of the strike and workers aimed to distance themselves from the communists and they did not trust them; the communists do not lead the struggle of the workers;
5) The workers obviously lacked organisation, unity and solidarity; among workers’ collectives only a small number went out on strike; the other workers’ collectives as a rule did not support those workers of other collectives who went out on strike; after their salaries were paid they went back to work.
The main thing that the working class was unable to achieve was the imparting a mass character to the political strike committees, economic strike committees, Soviets of workers and other bodies of political -economic strike struggle and transforming them into alternative organs of power, into organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat, an exit of the struggle of the workers into true duel power. Such is the main lesson of the political-economic strike struggle of that period.
The task of the communists in the period of the wide development of the strike struggle, as analysis of this struggle shows must include the helping of the workers overcome the economism of their demands, helping them to take action in an organised manner and united in solidarity with other collectives and exit onto the path of a general political struggle, onto the path of a general political strike, onto the path of true duel power. The task will be in imparting the movement with a mass and political character, in directing it along the path of a general political strike along the path of winning political power by the working people, by way of smashing the old state power bodies and creating new organs of power - of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviets.
The strategic aim must be - the transformation of the political - economic strike committees into Soviets as primary organs of Soviet power with the presence of a revolutionary situation and with the consequent establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat by way of a socialist revolution.
With this the communists must provide concrete help to worker collectives in their struggle for their rights, namely:
1) in solving concrete questions of survival of the labouring people and preserving work places, preserving enterprises;
2) in establishing ties of those out on strike with collectives of other enterprises and agricultural workers;
3) in working out economic and other demands;
4) in providing organisational, methodical and legal aid to striking collectives;
5) in the moral and according to possibilities material support to the striking collectives;
6) in providing political assistance to striking workers by way of organising meetings and other acts of protest;
7) in defending activists of the workers’ movement from persecution on part of the factory management and local authorities;
8) in coordinating the activity of the political and economic strike committees, Soviets of workers and other proletarian organisations between various enterprises in a given region;
9) in the obtaining and spreading of the experience of the political and economic strike committees;
10) in consolidating all results of the strikes
5. The main paths and means in the cause of establishing ties with working class and workers’ movement
Despite the sharp decline in the strike movement in 2000 - 2003, in present-day conditions the struggle of the workers for their rights is continuing against the attack by capital. Evidence bear witness to the fact that in 2004 - 2005 a fresh uplift in the strike movement has been observed. Even according to facts by official statistics the number of organisations where strikes took place in 2004 were 1/3 the level of 1997 (the peak year of the strike movement in the 1990-s)s, and the number of workers taking part in strikes stood at a quarter. However in 2005 a drop in the strike movement occurred. More than that, the weak sides of the strike movement in the 1990-s are completely inherent to the strikes of recent years.
But now the workers of enterprises are already putting forth demands not just about wage arrears but also and widely putting forward other demands for example, for pay rises, preserving the enterprise, against layoffs, in defending activists of the movement , trades unions and other. The workers in opposition to the Shmakovskyite trade unions formed their own workers unions defending their own interests and rights. But at the same time during 2006, the number of strikes at major enterprises could be counted one hand, only a few (miners in Kazakhstan, Ford, VEKS, Kholodmash and others). More than that, the spreading of strikes across various regions was not equal, namely: they in the main take place in certain regions and oblasts. The main mass of workers are not carrying out a struggle against capital, do not rise up to the struggle for their rights and interests. According to statistics (which of course do not fully reflect the true level of strikes), in 2005 84.6 thousand people took part in strikes and this with a multi million mass of working people with a 30 million size working class of Russia.
Nonetheless the strike struggle of the workers is underway and here there is something for the communists to think about working on.
One of the main tasks of the communists, one of the main directions of their activity as was earlier said is the establishment of ties with the workers’ movement, the leadership on part of the communists with the class struggle of the proletariat and all the labouring masses.
The bourgeoisie in modern conditions of strengthening of political and ideological reaction has temporarily been successful in the decline of the workers’ movement, the strengthening in the ranks of the of the workers of petty bourgeois-philistine moods, political apathy, distrust in the possibility of a revolutionary struggle for power of the working people, for improving their material being. The working class today in its common mass is not accepting Marxist-Leninist ideology, is turning its back on the communists, does not listen to their propaganda and agitation, to their calls for a revolutionary struggle against the attack of capital for its vital rights and interests and for its own existence.
Much has been said about the reason for political passiveness of the masses and the main reason is the distrust of the working class and all the working people to the communists, a completely natural and just distrust, originating not out of nothing but was conditioned by the treachery of the leadership of the CPSU and the CPRF, betraying the root interests of the proletariat, the substitution by them of concrete vital work in the cause of defending the interests of the working people by some useless talking-shop, empty pledges, parliamentary games, that is to say, that what summons justified repugnance on part of the working people.
From here and our main task - to return the lost trust of the working people to the communists, return by way of concrete help to the working people in their difficult for their rights by way of consistent defending of their root interests in the struggle against capital. If the working people again fail to see that namely communists express their aspirations and interests then one will not be able to talk of any fruitful work by the communists.
The struggle for hearts, minds and sympathies of people - this is namely the necessary and correct approach in the work of the communists in all places. Public opinion needs to be won over onto our side via real deeds when providing true assistance primarily to stratum of the population who really need it. Via real work and assistance in the localities the communists can return the trust of the working class and working people to the communists, trust undermined by the policy of the CPSU and CPRF especially during the years of perestroika and bourgeois reforms.
The given problem cannot be solved by "horseman" attack, it is necessary to be prepared for difficult, persistent and lengthy work in the cause of socialist enlightenment of the masses, in the cause of returning the trust of the masses to the communists, in the cause of reviving the attractiveness of the socialist ideology among the working people in the cause of the organisation of the struggle of the working people for their rights and interests.
For solving this task the communists in the localities must:
1) carry out a decisive uncompromising struggle against opportunism, revisionism and petty bourgeois hurrah revolutionism in the workers’ movement, to defend the Marxist- Leninist theory from attacks from the opportunists and their obvious and less obvious accomplices.
2) carry out persistent, painstaking explanatory work amongst the population relative to the true aims of the communists, to reveal the exploitative and savage essence of modern day bourgeois society, the bourgeois essence of the powers to be, to unmask the bourgeois lies against our heroic Soviet past and socialism.
3) to assist the working people in their difficult struggle for their concrete rights and interests, for their own existence, for their survival in severe conditions of capitalist reality.
4) to decisively stop the mood of pessimism and uncertainty in the communist environment, among our militant comrades, unmask the whiners, cowards, capitulators, scabs and strike-breakers among the communists.
"A revolution cannot be carried out or placed in a queue on hold. A revolution cannot be carried out to order - a revolution grows" (Lenin v36 p 458 Russian).
"One cannot predict the flow of a revolution … nether can it be summonsed. One can only work to the benefit of the revolution (ibid).
"A general belief in revolution is already a start of a revolution" (v 9 p 159).
"Not one revolution can be carried out by a party, it is carried out by the people only (K. Marx and F. Engels v 45 p475 Russian)
From these Lenin quotes, our main task is defined - TO WORK TOWARDS REVOLUTION.
If the main character and direction of our work is defined in the cause of the organisation of the class struggle of the proletariat and its Marxist-Leninist education, then one can use the words of Lenin spoken by him at the dawn of the social-democratic movement in Tsarist Russia, namely "… The entire strength of the movement - lies is in the organised workers of major factories, either large factories (and manufacturing plants include in themselves not just large numbers of workers but large influence, development, its ability to fight for the whole working class Every factory should be our fortress". (Lenin works Russian v 7 p 15).
This is the main task - namely : to go into the factories and plants, quarries and mines, to major enterprises, work amongst the labour collectives, assist the workers in their fight, raise them up to the level of struggle, to win them over onto our side. How can this be achieved? In this lies the main question and the main difficulty today for communists.
I think that in modern-day conditions of political and ideological reaction to the communists in the regions regardless of what party they are in, they will soon have to recognise the necessity of a socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, necessary on the basis of unity of actions to take the following steps on establishing ties with work collectives:
1) it is necessary to follow the situation in the workers’ movement of a given region, note where workers are taking action and assist the workers in their struggle along the lines of providing methodological and organisational assistance, by way of legal assistance, distributing literature and leaflets, support both moral and material etc., etc. (more detailed has been written above):
2) study Russia’s labour law, the practical side of the given legislation so that communists can assist the workers in providing them with legal aid, for example, when forming a trade union, political strike committee, when defending workers during dismissal, in court etc..
3) study the experience of the political and economic strike struggle of the workers during the period of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR (mainly in 1994-1998) its weak and strong sides, study the experience of the struggle of separate collectives for their rights and interests, draw conclusions and analysis in order to assist the workers in their struggle and not to allow a repeat by them of the mistakes of the previous stages of the struggle.
4) study the atmosphere inside major industrial collectives which is prevalent among the workers, their mood and especially what concerns the workers, what mistreatment at enterprises angers the workers most at a given enterprise; summarise all of this, by possibility print for the workers thematic works on problems of the workers, their solution at the given concrete enterprise, try to organise the workers and raise them up to fight.
5) work inside trades union at enterprises, study the situation inside trade union, show and explain to the workers about the treacherous, appeasing role of the trades unions hierarchies, to assist the workers where necessary, to form new trades unions for protecting the interests of the working people;
6) work towards getting so that at each enterprise or establishment there is a representative of the AUCPB, supporters, sympathizers via whom we can know the atmosphere of the given enterprise and distribute our literature and leaflets;
7) it is especially essential to try and get out amongst the working youth who do not the have the "syndrome" of the former Soviet workers with their distrust towards the communists, with their bygone dependence, with their fatigue from struggle, from chitter chatter, loud talk and empty pledges; the working youth is more perceptive to revolutionary ideas, to the ideas of socialism, more sharply reacts to mistreatment by the factory management, to the low living standards of life although at least, or at most (since they never lived under socialism) they are fooled spiritually by the mass media.
6) On unity in action of all communist parties in the localities in the cause of defending the rights and interests of the working masses
The spilt inside the communist movement in Russia today is strongly affects the condition of the modern-day workers’ movement. One cannot but notice the justice in the assertion of many workers that the split inside the communist movement does not help in unifying efforts of all communists in the struggle for the direct interests of the working class.
unification of communists in the localities must take place along the line of unity of actions in defending the concrete rights and interests of the working class and all working people, and only via this unity of actions in the localities can one achieve a unified political line, then after that ideological and organisational unity.
Unity of actions of the communists in the localities, in the regions must be brought about via the formation of Coordinating Councils of all forces in opposition to the regime, primarily communist and truly patriotic organisations and movements. Each organisation and movement that enters the coordinating council directs their own representative into this coordinating body who is designated for agreeing to the planning of a single united tactic for solving a concrete problem. Problems and question may vary to a large degree, for example;
1) joint participation in holding a meeting, demonstration, march and other acts of protest by the working people;
2) the printing of a united for distribution among participators in the act of protest;
3) the holding of joint meetings and conferences on questions of the workers’ movement in Russia and on other theoretical questions, the organising of discussions, exchange of opinion etc.;
4) joint support for political prisoners in the region;
5) the working out of a single tactic in relation to a concrete question, for example in relation to the transfer of education over onto a commercial basis, the erosion of bourgeois-democratic freedoms, the high communal service charges etc., etc..
6) joint planning of a tactic in connection with parliamentary and presidential elections, in connection with elections to local authorities;
7) joint participation and support of the strike movement in the regions, the working out of united actions, summarising of the experience of the strike struggle etc. etc..
Such a Coordinating (Consultative) body must meet for example, one a month and in the case of a concrete question, immediately for the purpose of agreeing the tactics for action of all parties and movements that make up the this body.
"The main moving force for reviving socialism - is the revolutionary working class. But today to a certain degree, it scattered, disorganised, tormented, psychologically suppressed, experience the powerful disinformation pressing on part of all mass media that stands at the service of the mafia state. In addition to that, due to the treachery of the working class by a party calling itself the "mind, honour and conscience of the epoch", the workers have been deprived of their vanguard and in their masses are tearing away the communists from their environment. Hence the visible disassociation between the communists and the workers’ movement…
The most important task of the entire communist movement at the present stage is the instilling into the consciousness of the workers, of Marxist-Leninist ideas and giving the workers’ movement an organised character. We need to assist the working class in returning belief in itself, recognise its own strength, its own historical mission as the revolutionary class of the epoch, as the main moving force of the present-day world process. Together with their allies - the peasantry and working intelligentsia - the working class can fulfil its historic mission - to revive our great power - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the hope of all deprived and oppressed people on Earth.
"And our task, the task of the communists Marxist-Leninists - is to assist the workers in the class struggle which they have already begun, to assist them in defending and representing the interests of the entire workers’ movement" (Speech by N.A. Andreeva at the III Congress of Peoples of the USSR "For unity of actions of all communist forces" Serp I Molot 1997 No 4)
A. KRYELNKO
Member of the AUCPB (All Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks)
Novosibirsk
(Serp I Molot No12 2006)
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