FOR BOLSHEVISM - No 5 (122) MAY 2013

WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!

ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLSHEVIKS


SOCIALIST REVOLUTION
FOR BOLSHEVISM INSIDE THE COMMUNIST AND WORKERS’ MOVEMENT


Monthly AUCPB bulletin on workers’ movement in ex-USSR with additional reports specific to Britain’s hardest hit

No 5 (122) MAY 2013
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YOUTH OF THE WORKING CLASS
From the history of the skinhead movement

Perhaps everyone has at least once heard on news that some skinheads in heavy “bovver” boots have beaten up non-whites in the streets, but mostly just those people who they do not
like in general. And any citizen in their life has certainly at least once heard the word skinhead, which most often is associated with "Swastika", Nazism, Hitler, etc.
The bourgeois media in society form a stereotype that skinheads are essentially Nazis, angry thugs, making Nazi salutes.
Initially, however, the skinheads were not racist. The skinhead was more than just a shaved head, heavy boots and braces. It was a way of life, a separate subculture, originating from the working class.
The beginning
To start with, let's see what the word “Skinhead” really means,
Early mentions of skinheads appeared in the press and in music in the late 60's, and more precisely in 1969. It was the year of the flowering onset of the skinhead subculture as such: “Remember the Spirit of '69” was the very roots of the subculture, the "golden age" of its development.
Skinheads appeared in the working class outskirts of London from the number of young workers of the British proletariat. The image
of British working-class life dictated the clothing style for the working youth. These were very varied in the form of bleached jeans, high work boots or army boots, button-up or polo shirts, sports coats, donkey jackets, braces and the "caps", etc. The short cropped hair (not bald), the reason of which was simplicity of the haircut, over time, became a kind of style of the skinhead movement. The style of music which the working youth listened to was "early reggae" "soul" and "ska". Thus, the first skinheads were closely related with the Jamaican singers of that time.
At the turn of the 70's and 80', politicization of the skinhead subculture began. The British nationalists were the first to draw their attention to the skinhead, poisoning the minds of young people by their Nazi and racist ravings. Many skinheads became angry and hostile towards Nazi propaganda, and they became actively opposed to the nationalist agitation. Since then, the skinhead movement has split and consists of many groups.
Classification
There are several trends of skinheads – the "red" skins, the anarcho-skinheads, "national socialist" skinheads and traditional skinheads or "traditionals." There are also a variety of organizations and groups, such as: RASH (Red and Anarchist Skinheads) and SHARP (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice).
"Red" skinheads are skinheads inheriting from the working class communist and socialist ideas. They stand on positions of proletarian internationalism, are involved in various
antifascist campaigns, fighting against nationalism and capitalism.
"Anarcho-Skinheads" adhere to anarchism or anarcho-communism, actively fighting against Nazism, racism, and against capitalism, working closely with the "red" skins in close proximity of their ideological positions. Also, in this environment you will quite commonly find "environmental anarchists."
"NS" skinheads (National Socialists, it is they who get the most media attention, because they formed a stereotype of skinhead culture as such.) Most often, they are uneducated young people who vehemently support Hitler's ideas, and are known for carrying out extremely brutal and numerous murders. The activities of the "NS" skinheads are usually criminal in character.
"Traditional skinheads" or the "trads" are non-political skinheads, not declaring any political views. They arose as a response to the emergence of political branches of the initial subculture. They copy the style of the skinhead culture of the late 1960’s.
“RASH” - (Red & Anarchist Skinheads) or literally, "Common struggle of red and anarchist skinheads" is an international association of
skinheads standing on the position of left radicalism, anti-fascism and anti-globalization. The organization was formed in New York City, and supported by young people from various cities in Canada, the U.S., Germany and Italy. The motivation of the association was that the anarcho-skinheads actively stood up for the "reds" during fights in bars and at concerts. Previously, there was a marked division between "red" and "anarcho-skinheads" in ideology, but nowadays, there is almost no difference as such.
“SHARP” - (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudices) are an anti-racist association, opposing "NS-skinheads" and other chauvinist organizations. The SHARP movement abandoned the leftist views of “RASH” and its
ideology is defined as "anti-fascism" and "anti-racism”.
Skinheads in the former Soviet republics
Skinheads first appeared on the territory of the ex-USSR in the early 1990-s and these were namely the national socialist far-right "NS-skinheads." The skinhead fashion for them came with the increasing nationalist sentiment among the youth, and since initially in the former Soviet Union, there were no "red" and "anarcho-skinheads ", and so ordinary people got the impression that the "NS-skinheads" were the only representatives of this subculture.
But a response had to appear, and so, in the late 90's in the environment of young workers appeared "Red" and "anarchist" skinheads, and “RASH” and “SHARP” movements were formed, members of which fight neo-Nazis, campaign
among young people, both at music concerts and on the Internet.
Our time
Nowadays among the skinheads there are almost no national socialists. The nationalists have
lost this sub-cultural fashion. At the same time, the "red" and "anarchist" skinheads are actively developing. Their popularity is growing with the development of the Internet, with the development of left-wing and anti-fascist musical trends. Skinheads are openly proud of the working class and belong to it. Russian skinheads as a target audience, are very receptive to the ideas of establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat, a socialist revolution and the class
struggle, thanks to which the number of supporters of the Bolshevik ideology in this subculture is growing.
It is impossible not to notice the fact that in this movement, sympathy for the working class is actively promoted. As the “Redskins Army Madrid” activists say about this, “Our idea of patriotism is love for the working class and this love goes beyond borders and countries. Nations and nationalism is an invention by the
bourgeoisie for their interests in general and divided the proletariat. Our homeland as said by Africa de las Heras (a Soviet agent of Spanish origin), is the Soviet Union – the motherland of workers."
We, Bolsheviks should actively campaign among supporters of the skinhead subculture, and this work should be carried out by the young fighters. This subculture consists of 90%
youth. We need to carry out antifascist actions together, to attract skinheads to Bolshevik activities and find comrades in this environment. Promote the ideas of Bolshevism among skinheads, in order to advance the cause of the Great October Socialist Revolution!
P. Serpov


APPEAL BY N.A. ANDREEVA TO THE FIRST SECRETARY OF THE WPK KIM JONG UN

To First Secretary of the Workers' Party of Korea

First Chairman of the DPRK National Defence Commission

Supreme Commander of the Korean Peoples Army

Marshal of the DPRK

Kim Jong Un

Pyongyang, DPRK
30 March 2013

Dear Comrade Kim Jong Un!

I appeal to you, the leader of the Workers' Party of Korea and the DPRK Socialist state.

In the numerous Statements made by the DPRK Foreign Ministry, NDC, the Supreme Command of the KPA and the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of Korea that we had received in March of this year from the Embassy of the DPRK in the Russian Federation, they have stated the heightening of tension on the Korean Peninsula in connection with the large-scale U.S. military exercises near the border with the DPRK with the demonstration of the modern means of nuclear war and regular provocations against the DPRK in order to initiate a response from the DPRK.

In the Statements of the Central Committee of the AUCPB, we have repeatedly reaffirmed our continued support to the leadership of the DPRK’s Songun policy, their conducting of their own research in nuclear and the necessity in any research study to test in practice these studies. For this reason, we have supported the DPRK underground nuclear tests. We have welcomed the launch of space satellites in the direction of space exploration. We have supported the establishment of the DPRK's nuclear shield, as the only way to protect the current conditions of peaceful labour of the DPRK citizens from any aggressor.

We understand the complexity of the conflict between the DPRK the United States at the present time and the open U.S. desire to destroy the DPRK and its socio-political system, elected by the people of the DPRK. We strongly condemn and denounce the provocative U.S. policy towards the DPRK and the brutal embargo, which has been carried on by the U.S. for more than sixty years. Today, the U.S. has become the world's policeman, trying to get all countries to think and act as pleases the U.S., and yet destroying any political leader and country daring to assert their own right to self-determination of their policies. We condemn the ongoing policy of the UN Security Council on adopting on the request of the U.S. countless so-called resolutions increasingly complicating the situation with the DPRK.

But we do not support the recent militant tendency in the DPRK in reference to a pre-emptive strike on the U.S., as the governing structures of the DPRK have repeatedly in March informed the world. Such Statements by the DPRK is exactly what the United States has long sought - to hang a label on the DPRK as the aggressor and blame the DPRK for the current volatile situation on the Korean peninsula. In other words – to blame the DPRK for the worsening situation, thus removing responsibility from itself – the U.S., and this is totally unacceptable because it does not correspond to reality. Moreover, it is the United States’ cherished dream to blame a socialist state for aggression and a way to discredit the very idea of socialism on a world scale. To succumb to the provocations of the U.S. means to help them in their fight against the world communist movement, to help the U.S. to extend the existence of the criminal capitalist (under imperialism) system, now in a deep crisis.

A pre-emptive strike launched by any of the opposing parties will mark the beginning of a local war, inevitably developing into a world war involving nuclear weapons that cannot be underestimated.

We turn to you, Dear Comrade Kim Jong Un, in calling for perseverance, and restraint and not allow unacceptable prevalence of emotions over cold reason. This perseverance, restraint and not allowing unacceptable prevalence of emotions over cold reason was always the case and dominant in the politics of the Great Kim Jong Il.

The whole world holds its breath, waiting from YOU a correct political decision to resolve a daunting situation on the Korean peninsula, caused by fault of the U.S. and the UN Security Council.

N.A.Andreeva

General Secretary of the CC AUCPB

29 March 2013.

Leningrad
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INTERVIEW GIVEN BY N.A. ANDREEVA ON THE 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE REVIVAL OF BOLSHEVISM

Interview given by Nina Alexandrovna Andreeva, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (CC AUCPB) to the editor of the "Politics" department of the Russian newspaper publication "Arguments and Facts"(Argumenty i Fakty) in connection with the 25th anniversary of the publication of her article "I cannot give up principles".

AiF- What is the history behind your letter? Why did you choose to send it to namely the newspaper "Sovietskya Rossiya" (Soviet Russia)? Did you try to send it to any other publications? What prompted you to write the letter? And what did you hope to achieve by this appeal?
N.A.- After my analysis of the revelations by Western media about the real purpose of Gorbachev in his ongoing "perestroika" I started to follow closely Gorbachev's speeches, his omissions, and other words that made me feel that he was strongly hiding what he was actually doing and what he was aspiring to.
Society was then raving in perestroika ecstasy and misunderstanding of WHAT was actually happening. Meetings, discussions, seminars, extensive ostentatious meetings by Gorby with the people, and hints, only hints with no clear answers to questions put to him by people at these meetings. The staging of provocative anti-Soviet plays by M.Shatrova, and overwrought reaction of the audience and the staging of plays in theatres with an openly anti-Soviet content. The anti-communist speeches made by artists and politicians in the press.
In the student environment there were constant debates and discussions taking place on various issues of life and Soviet history, military conscription for young people, and emigration to other countries for permanent residence, etc.
As curator (teacher) of a student group, as a Soviet teacher, I found it necessary and important to draw people's attention to what was really going on in the country during Gorbachev's perestroika. In the summer of 1987, I wrote an article entitled "Recollections on the future." (The newspaper came up with that name. It did not reflect the content of my article on the problems of perestroika. The title I gave was "Reflections on the future"). The article was published in the newspaper "Leningrad worker" (dated 09.10.1987, p.4). My second article in January 1988, the editor of the same newspaper was afraid to publish and he ordered the article be hidden inside a safe and away from the paper's editorial staff. Both of the articles (copies of the original), I sent to the newspapers "Pravda", "Leningradskaya Pravda", "Literary Gazette" and the "Soviet Russia." On February 23, 1988 only "Soviet Russia" responded by proposing to significantly reduce the text and prepare for the publication of the material on one column. I agreed, and after March 8 handed the material to an employee of "Soviet Russia" who came to me at work in the university. The article "I cannot give up principles" was published on March 13, 1988 with minimal revisions (the editorial proposed that a paragraph about "repressions" be inserted, without which they could not print the article, and they changed the tone of the ending of the article. I wrote: "This is what we stand for and stand for and we WILL!" However in the printed newspaper article it was published as -"This is what we stand for, and this is what we will continue to stand for").
No other revisions, corrections or edits in my article were made. The article can be found in the book "Unprecedented Principles" (L., 1992, circulation of 100 000 copies.) and online at AUCPB main website: www.vkpb.ru (section - Library). The book was translated into English, French, Italian, Spanish, Japanese, Chinese and Korean.
The purpose of my writing this article, as before, was to draw the attention of the Soviet people to WHAT was actually happening, and the desire to get everyone to think about the essence of "perestroika" itself.
AiF- Are you satisfied with the effect your appeal made on the public? If you could go back in time, would you have repeated the same thing? And in your opinion, in the late 80's was it indeed possible to prevent the collapse of the Soviet Union?
N.A.- I do not consider sending materials to different newspapers as a form of action as such. It was simply the desire to express my own opinions and concerns about the ongoing Gorbachev policy. After all, behind all of Gorbachev's demagoguery and playing at being the "peoples’ leader" who cared only about the welfare of the people, I felt this to be all false and a desire to conceal something "until the right time." Analyzing (Gorbachev's perestroika), I felt the need to express my concerns regarding the Soviet people, and that perhaps they were being deceived by the General Secretary of a leading communist party of the world and the leader of a socialist superpower. In particular, his speech at the UN in 1987, when Gorbachev proposed a new interpretation of the name USSR as the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics to replace the original Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The most important of this name interpretation – SOCIALIST, had vanished. After all, Soviets (in the modern sense are municipalities) can be both socialist and bourgeois. We recall the period of July 1917, when V.I. Lenin removed the slogan "All Power to the Soviets", since they had turned Menshevik. After some time, this slogan was again raised by Lenin on the agenda. Or another time, on the objectives of perestroika (Gorbachev's speech at the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU in the summer of 1987). His speech in the publication of the works of Gorbachev was "edited" and that part of his speech was removed. But it remained in print immediately after the plenum issue of "Pravda", which I read and underlined and placed (for me) a question mark. At the plenum, Gorbachev said that the task of perestroika was "... to root out an old tree, plough the land, sow seeds and reap the fruits...". Put very clearly.
I realized that Gorbachev had set the task to root out SOCIALISM. History has confirmed my fears. There were many other "reservations" from the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
Yes, I'm satisfied with the social response to the publication of my article. In fact, after this there the division of society into two camps occurring – between supporters to preserve socialism and those who decided to destroy all that was associated with the Soviet period (As they say, everything was defined: who stood on what side of the barricades). Supporters of socialism (judging from the letters that were sent to me) amounted to about 80%, the followers of Gorbachev - less than 20%. Unfortunately, in literature on the subject there is a "correction" on the number of supporters of socialism. Yegor Ligachev (I believe) lied, then pointing to the figure of 60% for Gorbachev of those who shared the position of article-interview of Egor Ligachev to the editor of newspaper "Soviet Russia" ("Sov.Rossiya», № 26 of 13 March 2008). The "tug of war" in favour of the "fifth column" is now shown on all the TV shows that discuss the history of the Soviet period and the role of Stalin in it. But the truth can not always be hidden and lied about. In an interview on the 60th anniversary of Stalin's memory of March 5, 2013 on the website of Channel 5 from St. Petersburg, in which I participated, in the introduction to the topic by the host, to my great surprise, she naively announced the following: "... The data polls are striking: the people's love for Generalissimo Stalin, according opinion polls, is growing. Now, in contrast to 2011, the one-third, and now nearly half of the respondents are ready to subscribe to the Stalinist fanatics and believe that the Generalissimo did a lot of good for the country."
And this change of attitude towards J.V. Stalin, who is slandered by enemies of the Soviet people, and had dirt poured over him by Trotskyite Khrushchev at the Twentieth Party Congress, the objective perception of greatness and tremendous importance, as a result, the role of Stalin in the history of people living on one sixth of the Earth's surface, and the whole of humanity is due to us, due to members of AUCPB. This is the result of our work in these difficult years following the accomplishment of the counter-revolution and the rabid anti-Stalinism in the country instilled by media of the ruling power. This is the result of the publication in "Soviet Russia" of my article "I can not give up principles," heralding the rebirth of Bolshevism.
If it were possible to go back in time, I would have done exactly the same as I did then. I have nothing to regret. I fully confirm the firmness of my position, stated then, 25 years ago.
In the late 80's, it WAS POSSIBLE to prevent the violent destruction of the USSR, if the leadership of the country was really communist and thought about the country and its people who entrusted the power with their lives, their future and their children’s future. But in the upper echelons of power there were very many careerists, opportunists and philistines in spirit (and who even "took offence to Soviet power"), those people who were previously expelled during the period of party cleansing under Stalin. Most of them finished up on the side of the counter-revolution fifth column. Elitist intellectuals also became a part of the "fifth column." And we, the modern Bolsheviks at that time, were not a political organization capable of carrying on wide propaganda among the people. The petty party nomenklatura we just scared and started to set themselves up under the new capitalist relations in society under the banner of communist rhetoric. I can tell you that we planned a struggle against the counter-revolution by forming the Bolshevik platform in the CPSU. First there was formed the All-Union Society "Unity - for Leninism and communist ideals" (Yedinstvo) (Moscow, May 1989), and then at a national conference in Minsk, the Bolshevik platform in the CPSU was established.
The goal of forming the Bolshevik platform in the CPSU was to return to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union an organizational and political appearance, also the ideological and moral role of the vanguard of the working people of our country in their struggle to achieve their objective of historically determined class interests, that is, for the construction of a socialist and communist society. We assumed with this to rally and unite all healthy, progressive, socialist and patriotic forces which existed at that time in society, and on this basis to respond resolutely to the bourgeois counterrevolution, which with each day was becoming more dangerous and dramatically sweeping across the Socialist Motherland of the USSR.
As stated in the Appeal adopted at the conference it was aimed at all communists and non-party Bolsheviks:
At the Extraordinary Congress the Resolution stated that the "Party must be represented by communists able to:
- reject perestroika as an anti-peoples, defeatist policy that brought the country to a national catastrophe and in the near-term, complete dismemberment of the USSR into "separates sovereignties" and the transformation of the Motherland into a semi-colony of the West;
- hold Mikhail Gorbachev and his entourage to party account for the collapse of the CPSU and the Soviet state, for the betrayal of Lenin, the October Socialist Revolution, and the international communist and workers' movement;
- to assess from the party-class position the situation in the party and the country and to develop a scientifically-based fundamentally new policy of the CPSU, which expresses the fundamental interests of the working people, aimed at saving the Motherland from the impasse of the crisis and restore the former might of our multi-national state with policies to ensure the success of socialism in peaceful competition with the capitalist system;
- To elect a new leadership to the CPSU, which will be able to implement the policies worked out at the XXIX Extraordinary Party Congress;
- to disgrace all the traitors, apostates, turncoats, in the camp of anti-communism and, especially, former Politburo cronies Yakovlev, Eduard Shevardnadze, Yevgeny Primakov, Boris Yeltsin."

Gorbachev on the phone instructed his secretary to clarify the wording of the Resolution of the Conference "On bringing Gorbachev to justice ..."
The Conference brought together more than 800 delegates. Present was also the top party leadership of Belarus (cowardly hidden on the balcony), and the party nomenklatura from other regions of the USSR.
We had planned to hold the Extraordinary Congress in autumn 1991. The situation in the country was becoming tense with each passing day. After the events of August 1991 with the State of Emergency Committee, on August 29, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR suspended the operations of the CPSU across the entire USSR. A complete ban on the activity of the CPSU and the Russian communist party was brought about by Yeltsin's decree on November 6.
The possibility of holding our Extraordinary XXIX Congress of the CPSU was becoming unreal. We were changing tactics to combat the counter-revolution.
AiF- What changed in your life after this appeal? How did your family react to this letter?
N.A.- First of all, why did my article provoke such a response in the Politburo and a reaction on the part of Gorbachev? Because, in the words of the chief (after Gorbachev), architect of "perestroika" Alexander Yakovlev (Politburo member, department head of ideology and propaganda of the CPSU Central Committee), the article "raised serious questions in such a way, that it cannot be called anything other than an ideological platform and manifesto of anti-perestroika forces... For the first time, readers in such a concentrated form have seen in this "letter to the editor" not a search, not a reflection or even an expression of bewilderment and confusion to the very complex and controversial issues happening inside the country, but instead they see an utter rejection of the idea of renovation, a very definite statement of a rigid position, a position which is essentially conservative and dogmatic. Essentially, red thread permeates right through the content of two main theses: why all this perestroika reconstruction and have we gone too far on the issue of democratization and openness (glasnost)? The article calls on us to make corrections and adjustments on the question of perestroika, or otherwise, allegedly the "powers" will have to save socialism ... "(from Ideological document of the Central Committee of the CPSU," newspaper “Pravda", April 5, 1988 article entitled "Principles of Perestroika : Revolutionary Thought and Action." Later on, this material was called an editorial document").
My article was reprinted in more than 800 newspapers across the USSR.
On 23 and 24 March, under the pressure of A. Yakovlev and Shevardnadze, the Politburo were gathered, whose agenda was on one issue – the article by Nina Andreeva. Gorbachev during the two days of meetings of the Politburo by employing the "strong-arm" tactic made everyone who was present in person dissociate themselves from the provisions of the article "I cannot give up principles." Those present more or less did this. After publication of Yakovlev’s article, that’s when the hounding of the author of "I cannot give up principles" began. The CC CPSU forced many organizations and professional creative associations, etc to write devastating responses to my article. The institute I worked at "excommunicated" me from classes with students by order of rector of the university. To my address at the institute arrived letters with the threat of physical violence. On the street any "perestroika" supporter who knew me in the face either insulted or simply cursed me. The media also organized a persecution against me.
Leningrad TV program "The Fifth Wheel", created by Bella Kurkova succeeded in this and organized it immediately after the publication of my article. Especially this program which was being hosted by someone called Pravdyuk, a lackey of "perestroika" who was writhing in ecstasy... There was persecution, not only against me, but against my husband, who had two heart attacks deliberately induced.
This orgy lasted a long enough time. In such circumstances, I refused to submit to the contest to teach for a second term at the Lensoviet Institute in February 1989 and took a leave of absence "without pay", which lasted until my retirement.
My husband was also denied employment. For over 2 years we survived without any wages, using only what available savings we had saved up in the savings bank for a "rainy day". We did inform any of our close relatives about this in order not to upset them. Thus they still did not know anything about this "epic."
As they say, in any negative aspect, there are also positive aspects. This persecution hardened me personally for the future struggle against counter-revolution - "perestroika." Active work led, as already mentioned, to the forming of the All-Union Society "Unity - for Leninism and communist ideals" (established in May 1989, in Moscow). In July, 1991 at an All-Union conference in Minsk, the Bolshevik platform of the CPSU was constituted, whose supporters declared themselves as the heirs and successors of the revolutionary proletarian, Leninist line in the CPSU. In the future, based on the All-Union Society "Unity - for Leninism and communist ideals" and the Bolshevik platform of the CPSU, the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks was formed (at the Founding Congress of November 8, 1991, Leningrad).
AiF- In your letter you talked about the need to observe principles: do You think that modern politicians have principles? Can modern-day politics have principles?
N.A.- It is hardly necessary to speak about principals of those people who place personal power, money, and personal well-being at the heart of everything. The current government and authorities in the Kremlin do not serve the people any more, but only serve the U.S. monopolies and are under U.S control. Putin's policy reminds me of the characters in Ivan Krylov's fable "The Cat and the Cook." Putin is trying to live in peace with the "thieves in law - oligarchs" and at the same time with the robbed and impoverished people. And "where it is necessary to use power," Putin engages in demagoguery. For example, his statement regarding Russia’s military reforms which are lethal for the defence of the country. Everything has been destroyed, and Serdyukov, the embezzler "stool-maker" (a furniture maker with no military education whatsoever) was put in charge of the Ministry of Defence, and more, Putin decided not to abandon the destructive military reforms, but only "to continue them, just by sharpening and polishing up the mechanisms of the war machine. The strategic logic for modernising the Armed Forces remains unchanged"! (From a speech by Vladimir Putin to colleagues in the Ministry of Defense 2/23/2013). The same situation is on the issue of "reforming" other spheres of life. Realizing the malignancy of the "reforms" being carried out, Putin is unable to abandon them, thus continuing the policy of Gorbachev of destroying the country. Putin has showed his affinity with Gorbachev, by his birthday greeting to Gorbachev himself, noting his "contribution to the development of Russia's contacts with the West," and not only in this sphere.
J.V. Stalin was principled in politics and in everything else. Lack of principle in politics is a weakness, an inability of a leader to lead, leading to chains of command in policy, to dictates on part of the enemy and betrayal of the interests of the country.
AiF- How do you feel about the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF)?
N.A.- Gennadi Zyuganov (leader of the CPRF) during Soviet times (1989-1990) was deputy head of the department for ideology and propaganda of the Central Committee of the CPSU (Head of Department was Alexander Yakovlev). The CPRF was formed after the lifting of the ban on communist activities in February 1993. But in 1991, Zyuganov agreed with Boris Yeltsin on the issue of forming a "non-extremist" party of socialist orientation", and this was approved by Yeltsin and Burbulis. The forming of such a party by Zyuganov became top on the agenda after the establishment of the AUCPB (on November 8, 1991.) along with the rapid growth of its membership. In the first few months of AUCPB party work, about 20 thousand people across the country had joined it. Prior to that, at the All-Union Conference of the Bolshevik platform of the CPSU in July 13-14, 1991, as already mentioned, a resolution was adopted "On the political lack of confidence in the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev." There was a point in it about "bringing Mikhail Gorbachev and his entourage to party justice and holding them to account for the collapse of the CPSU and the Soviet state, for the betrayal of Lenin, the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, and the international communist and workers' movement." Thus, in agreeing with Yeltsin to establish the CPRF, Zyuganov was thinking about saving his own skin as well.
Zyuganov has always held a compromising and appeasing position with the Yeltsinites, and keeping to the “growth to power” line. In early 1993, with the establishment of the CPRF, Gennady Zyuganov on Gorbachev’s recommendation, membership lists of the district committees of the CPSU were used. With the forming of the CPRF, Yeltsin had achieved his goal of weakening the communist movement, by having absorbed into himself the party law-abiding "infantry" (mass).
In October 1993, Boris Yeltsin could have been removed from power. Moscow was seething with anger by people dissatisfied with Yeltsin’s policies. Yeltsin and the further development of the counter-revolution had been saved by Zyuganov.
On October 2, 1993 in Moscow, Zyuganov spoke on Central TV to address the people, calling on everyone "not to take part in any of the events or clashes taking place in Moscow," but to stay at home. But by the 3rd of October, Yeltsin gave the order to start shooting at the defenders of the Supreme Soviet in the centre of Moscow and at the Ostankino television studios, and on October 4, the shooting the building of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation (the "White House") using tanks, where there were members of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, supporters of Soviet power, soldiers and many Soviet people. Yeltsin crushed the revolt against him, drowning it in blood. Many young people were killed. The number of victims amounting in excess of 10,000 lies on the conscience of Gennady Zyuganov. Among many of the defenders of Soviet power and the participants of the October 1993 events in Moscow, Zyuganov qualifies as a "cohort to Yeltsin who changes his views and patrons, depending on the political situation."
Zyuganov always builds himself into the system, changing one lot of slogans for complete opposite ones depending on the situation. An ardent communist before perestroika, he had transformed into a social democrat, declaring that "Russia had already exhausted the limit on revolution." He was never a supporter of J.V. Stalin, but due to the rapidly changing social attitudes towards Stalin from minus to plus, Zyuganov’s supporters nowadays are not shying away from portraits of Stalin in our AUCPB columns at demonstrations and are even declaring their loyalty to Stalin. Zyuganov is in consensus with the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), and publishes articles in support of it. In the ranks of the CPRF there is no unity and therefore splits take place, with party organisations in the regions leaving the party. CPRF organizations in different regions differ in their political views. In many regions, we work alongside them at events.
AiF- Who did you vote for in the presidential election?
N.A.- We do not vote in the presidential elections, but raise awareness among the population about the electoral system and the candidates. Nearly all candidates for president do not differ from each other in pursuing the policy of the ruling class of the bourgeoisie. And the counting of votes is always such that the projected percentage of "in favour" is always confirmed. Stalin said that in the bourgeois electoral system, what is important it's not about who votes, it's about how the votes are counted. We shall participate in the presidential elections, if we see a fundamental difference in political positions of the candidates. For example, if one of the candidates are true pro-Americans or pro-fascist, we will vote to block their passage to the upper echelons of power.
AiF- Do you support Vladimir Putin?
N.A. – It depends on the specific issue. We support Putin on the issue of merging of former Soviet republics, leading to the unification of proletarians too. Therefore we support the efforts of the President to expand the number of members in the Customs Union. But we are totally against his policy of "de-Stalinization", insulting the feelings of the Soviet people who built socialism and defended socialism and life on Earth by the victory won by the people under the leadership of Generalissimos Stalin in the Great Patriotic War and World War II. "De-Stalinization" is even more shameful in that the current oligarchs make huge profits in factories built in the period of Stalin's five-year plans, profits from the power plants built under Stalin, and profits from the sale of our natural resources, mined during the period of Stalin in the country. We support Putin on the issue of banning U.S. trading in Russian children (the so-called U.S. "adoption" of Russian children - "adoption" by citizens abroad).
We absolutely do not support him in his education reforms designed at contempt and oblivion of the great history of Russia, the Soviet Union, at the lack of culture and the dense grey ignorance of our beautiful Russian classics in the field of art, literature ... We do not support him in the transformation of Russia from a secular state into a clerical one by the forcible imposition of biblical ideology onto society. Marxism as the only scientific theory of social society has been erased and dropped, with nothing to replace it. Now the Bible's old myths are propagated instead as the ideology of modern society. So many "churches" of all types of religion have recently been built, but no thought about the construction of affordable housing for the people. We do not support Putin in the commercialization of education and health, as it is not available for the majority of the population. We do not support the President in matters which are defective for the country, for the people. We do not support him on the issues that lower the dignity of the Russian nation over others. We are not nationalists, but we must respect the nation, which forms the name of the country - Russia.
AiF- Do you support the current protest movement? Why?
N.A.- The protest movement, is in fact quite varied. The "March of the Millions", the "Left Front," "Just Cause," "Civic Society," “Rot Front” ... and many others which somehow only slightly differ from the above, or do not have a distinct political agenda. The protest movement can be separated and attempts made to try to analyze them in relation to their attitude towards private ownership over production and the goal that they set for themselves, and for which they were created. In relationship to private ownership, we have two different camps. The "March of the Millions", "Left Front" ("left", but not at all leftist but rightist in the conventional sense, there is a substitution of names and meaning - political linguistics), "Just Cause", "Civic Society" are for private ownership, and represent the interests of the ruling bourgeois class, or, as they say - liberal values. "Rot Front" and the Russian Communist Workers’ Party (RCWP) – are parties with one leader V. Tyulkin and they advocate socialist values. All the protest movements inside are quite heterogeneous. The liberal movement differs in orientation by the various "blocks" either of the bourgeoisie or the comprador, or national. The "March of the Millions" (Boris Nemtsov, one of the leaders) is oriented to the comprador bourgeoisie, "Left Front" (Udaltsov) - also. "Just Cause" (Alexei Navalny) the same. Boris Nemtsov, declared that "protests are the only way to change the system in general." As prime minister under Yeltsin, he revealed HOW he wants to change the system. Therefore, enough of him.
We do not support this movement, since their purpose seems to be the replacement of Putin by a more pro-American-oriented leader, the collapse of the country, and surrendering on all positions of the country over to the United States. Their way of achieving their goal is by raising tension in the country, fear, horror, unrest and provocation. The events in Bolotnaya Square in Moscow in May 2012 showed the desire of the liberal protest movements to organize their own "Maidan" (orange revolution), where one can always keep carrying out provocative work on creating an explosive situation. Therefore we support Putin in curbing the activities of this "fifth column." There is a feeling that Medvedev does not stand apart from the movements of the "liberals." Putin supports the national bourgeoisie more. The liberals, like they claim, want to come to power through elections. Because of this there is a lot of noise about changing election rules. At the time of elections and the disagreements which follow over the results, the protest movement can then organise an "orange revolution", or any other "flower" revolution with all the ensuing consequences. And the West will assist, as always ... The "Party of Action" (Konstantin Babkin, M. Prokhorov), the movement "Civic Society" represent the interests of the national bourgeoisie. Mass protests have not yet been organized.
The socialist-oriented protest movement Rot Front state their aim to get into parliament through elections. They do not seem to have any other goals.
AiF- Why, in your opinion, did many leaders and policy makers after having worked in the CPSU and made up the ranks of that party in the 1980-s then remain in power after the Soviet Union collapsed, and have now completely entered the ruling "United Russia" party?
N.A.- This shows the degeneration of the CPSU from a party defending the interests of the working class, into a party that protects private property ownership interests, the interests of the philistine, careerists and opportunists. It is known that many people joined the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to climb the career ladder. Party “cleansing” conducted by Joseph Stalin liberated it from careerists who had infiltrated it, but not always. Trotskyist Nikita Khrushchev was able to climb into the VKP (b) (AUCP(b)) and escape expulsion during the party purges. Indeed, the odious "United Russia" party is made up of almost 90% of former members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Today, the "United Russia" party, created as a party to the president, is not respected in society. The careerism of its members climbs to the surface all too often, using their party affiliation in the interests of personal gain.
If we talk about members of the CPSU clambering into bourgeois power, then Boris Yeltsin himself was a secretary of the CPSU for many years, and even a candidate member of the Politburo, and his minister of state security Golushko – was KGB chief for Ukraine, the Secretary of State and Deputy Prime Minister Burbulis taught Marxism-Leninism in universities. The ideologue of reform and practically the head of government Yegor Gaidar, headed the department for the main theoretical journal of the CPSU, called "Communist", and after that, in the main CPSU newspaper "Pravda". The next Prime Minister Chernomyrdin was a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
Even in 1995, according to the Institute of Sociology, the Yeltsin administration by 75% and the Government of the Russian Federation by 74.3% consisted of former CPSU party nomenklatura. The only member of the Yeltsin government who was not in the Communist Party earlier, was the Minister of Foreign Economic Relations S.Yu. Glazyev - and he also became the only minister to condemn the actions of Yeltsin and came out in support of the Supreme Soviet.
It follows from this that the higher party nomenklatura was the active driving component in the preparation and accomplishment of the counterrevolution in the USSR.
AiF- If you wrote an appeal to the country today, in what publication would you put it, and what would be in your appeal?
N.A.- I would have my appeal placed in a publication where I could be sure of an undistorted appeal, without possibility of falsification of my thoughts. My current appeal would be devoted to the issue of the revival of socialism and the Soviet Union as a united multi-national family of the former Soviet republics.

7 March 2013. Leningrad
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ON EVENTS IN BULGARIA

YOUTH HIT THE STREETS
The world of capitalism has recently experienced yet another earthquake. Looking at the TV screens, the viewer is finding it difficult to distinguish from which country the news has appeared on the screen: either from Greece, Turkey, Italy, Spain, or Portugal - the picture is the same - loads of angry people, police cordons, tear gas attacks on protesters, batons and shields policemen, gendarmes, military police, armoured vehicles and armoured personnel carriers. This time around everyone is surprised at the ever quiet and it would seem prosperous Bulgaria. It is as if no one had expected such shocking pictures of police violence from there, and the stubborn resistance by angry people.
And most interestingly is that among the protesters there are hardly any older people who still remember their good life, even in the days of "underdeveloped" socialism, who made up the mass of all the protests, mostly insisting on raising pensions. This time is was the young people who took to the streets. Those born in the early 80's and do not remember anything from the time of socialism (that is, there is nothing for them to compare to), and do not accept the current state of affairs.
During the years of counter-revolution, due to the "shock building of capitalism", Bulgaria has become the most impoverished country in Europe. Yes, it has become an EU member by paying a huge fee and get out of it only pitiful handouts, and then each time, the "Europeans" seek a reason not to pay, especially if Bulgaria does not obey the orders of the U.S. and NATO. The years of primitive capital accumulation was accompanied by barbarous destruction of factories, cooperatives, robbery of the people who painstakingly created all this under socialism. When you go around the country, it seems that there has been a war raging more surgical than the one that crushed Yugoslavia. Abandoned buildings and looted shops of once powerful industries, broken roads, broken pavements, the skeletons of former farms and farm buildings – everywhere, the stamp of desolation, destruction and despair. Spacious cooperative fields overgrown with weeds, vineyards, apricot and peach orchards, destroyed canneries, and almost 200 deserted villages. Add to this, 40% unemployment and 1.6 million educated and skilled people of working years leaving the country. The worst thing is that namely the former Communist Party, which overnight became the Socialist Party, began the process of privatization and dragged the country into the EU and NATO, allowing Bulgaria’s skies to be used for bombing brotherly Serbia.
And a country once full of surprises with its rapid growth - in the list of exports were powerful ships (there were more than 1 million built in Bulgaria), which were bought by traditional shipbuilding states - Britain, Spain, Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, and the Soviet Union. Bulgaria occupied one of the first places in the world for producing motorcycles and electric cars, the export machine tools with electronic control, producing automobiles and automobile engines, equipment for space research and supplied itself with quality refrigerators, washing machines, and even had a computer factory. Under the pretext that Bulgarian industrial production is not competitive enough with foreign companies, entire industries have been destroyed - shipbuilding, machine building, metallurgy (last powerful metallurgical plant Kremikovtzi sold under the hammer for nothing, of course, pre-stripped). So the most powerful company was sold off for a song. The latest news has been the announcement of the failure of military factories in Sopot, which have until now been producing weapons, including "Kalashnikovs", night vision devices, etc. For several months workers at this company have not been paid wages, and they were at the plant during the coldest winter days in the snow, in protest against the tyranny of the management, who continued to successfully sell weapons without having to pay those who produce them. Against the background of this protest, followed by a continuous rise in prices, which are sometimes higher in Bulgaria than in Europe, with low wages and poor pensions - 70% of pensioners have a pension of about 100 euros a month only.
The culmination of tension came in the form of February electricity bills for electricity consumed in January - the bills had increased several times that passed all bounds of peoples’ patience. In all towns and cities across the country arose spontaneous rallies and marches. They demanded the expulsion of foreign companies from the country - distributors of energy - Czech "CEZ" and Austrian "EVN". Indeed, the very electric current produced by Bulgarian thermal power plants and the nuclear power plant at Kozloduy, costs three times less than the cost of distribution and the bills themselves as the Bulgarians' joke, are like an encrypted spy's report." No one knows who, where and with whose permission such a complex formula for billing for the use of electricity has been created. It’s even harder to decipher the central heating bill. A person is billed on facts like whether your home is near a main pipe or your neighbours have heating, or heating on the stairways in an apartment block is warming you, even if all the radiators are turned off. The ingenuity of how the organizations recover peoples’ money is simply amazing.
But no one has yet invented how a person living on a miserable pension can actually pay for electricity or heating every month and yet still remain alive. And then the people took to the streets. The movement started spontaneously. To aggravate the situation and the fact that on the day of memory of Vasil Levski, the hero who fought against the Ottoman slavery - February 19 when he was hanged in 1875 by the Turks, the people of Sofia who choose traditionally to lay flowers at his monument in the centre of the city, were met by a cordon of police and gendarmerie – on Levski Square and nearby the streets were surrounded by buses, "Desert Cat" armored vehicles of the military police. For the first time in modern history, President R. Plevneliev gave his speech on Levski in front of an empty square. When he left the square, the crowd booed him from outside the police cordon. When police began allowing people onto the square near the monument, they were searched and had to pass through metal detectors. Many threw flowers directly on the asphalt. The indignation began to grow.
At the same time, near Orlov Bridge in Sofia, protesters gathered to protest against government inaction against monopolist companies. A column of protesters marched from the bridge to the monument of Levski. They chanted: "Mafia," and "Resignation!". When the police tried to keep people away from the monument, a clash broke out between them. There were injuries with people with cracked skulls and broken arms. 25 people were arrested, and 14 sought medical attention.
On the same day the opposition parties, among them the former Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) (now - the Bulgarian Socialist Party, refused to participate in a meeting of the Economic Commission, believing that they do not have to puzzle themselves over solving the problems created by the ruling party GERB - "Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria" formed in December 2006, and at the time getting the support of the majority of the population, tired of false promises, and the Democrats and former communists, equally cleverly fleecing the country. At the head of the party stood Boiko Borisov - a former firefighter, a specialist on pumps and hoses, for a time even a former bodyguard of T. Zhivkov and one of the managers of the security company of so called "fighters", specialists in fighting sports, who became one of the first Bulgarian gangsters. By unknown paths, the former security guard in a short time then became chief secretary of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Mayor of Sofia, and finally, Prime Minister. Since then, he has not stopped appearing every morning on one or another television company, telling viewers how his grandfather was shot by the People's Court under communism as an active fascist, although it is well-known that his father was a colonel in the fire service, but a child of a fascist could not hold this rank under socialism. Although this is not the case. The ability of local politicians to change their uniforms, depending on the political situation forced the protesters to shout the slogan: "No to all parties!".
Protests in Bulgaria continued. The Cabinet resigned, despite all the boasting and promises made by B. Borisov. This resignation was really a surprise to many people, and GERD was considered unmanageable. The fact is that at the end of January there was a referendum, with the desperate resistance of the ruling party, on whether Bulgaria needs new sources of energy - everyone knew that it was about the building, or rather, the completion of the nuclear power plant in Belene, the foundation of which was laid under socialism. Borisov several times changed his mind - then announced that construction would continue then, suddenly opposed it. The fact is that the nuclear power plant was designed in Russia and had to work with Russian generators and a Russian reactor. With the explicit onset of the U.S., bourgeois politicians in Bulgaria started to repeat the thesis of the need to avoid energy dependence on Russia. But the country cannot supply enough electricity – and even heating uses mainly electricity. At the same time, new nuclear power plants in Romania and Turkey have been built, and are being built in Serbia and Bulgaria, which has so far earned enough by selling electricity, and is facing the prospect of buying electricity. And the government on the background of this problem has increased the price of electricity by 15%, and bills have suddenly increased by 2 - 3 times. At the same time, the government has flatly refused to reject the licenses of monopoly power distributors, which are exporting the profits from the production of energy, like the Germans who bought the shipyard in the Bugarian city of Ruse, paid meager salaries Bulgarian shipbuilders and had exported considerable profit.
Bulgarian society still knows little about the conditions at U.S. and NATO bases in the country. Bulgaria pays for these bases, because the U.S. envoy says on TV screen, "these bases are for general use." Incidentally, at the base airfield in Sarafovo, a bus exploded full of Israeli tourists who had arrived on holiday to Bulgaria without protection, knowing that they were flying in to "their own" that is, they were landing at a U.S. base. And over a few months, the U.S. simply squeezed from Bulgaria confirmation that the explosion was carried out by "Hezbollah." No matter how the Bulgarians tried to explain that there was no evidence of this, even after a long investigation, without any evidentiary ruling, the Bulgarian authorities have slyly recognized the attack as the work of "Hezbollah". Even stranger is the fact that a few days after this incident, the European Union refused to recognize "Hezbollah" as a terrorist organization. But someone wants to place Bulgaria in confrontation with a country such as Iran, and the Bulgarians do not like this at all.
All these external and internal conditions are kept in suspense inside Bulgarian society. As elsewhere in the former socialist countries, the communists ceased being communists, having lost the confidence of the people. And at the moment there is no force that can solve the problems of society. Grassroot spontaneous protests however show that the counter-revolution 23 years ago did not create acceptable living conditions and do not give even a glimmer of hope for an optimistic future. It was not in vain that the protesters demanded a change of the present constitution which protects the rights of capital, and change the system that has brought them to despair. Recently, two young men killed themselves by self-immolation that shocked the people.
But meanwhile the perpetrators of all this are either Stanishev - chairman of the Socialist Party, Kostov – a Democrat, or Borisov of GERB. No one has stated the main culprit is CAPITALISM. Possibly during the protests and struggle, the young people coming into the political arena, will learn to see the truth. A society in which everything is bought and sold cannot be otherwise defined. But, as Georgi Dimitrov (first communist leader of Bulgaria form 1946 - 1949) said at the Leipzig process, "But no matter what, the Earth is spinning, and it is spinning towards communism!".
Today in Bulgaria protests continue regardless of the government having resigned at the demand of the protesters. Grassroot spontaneous protests have gradually become managed by two national committees. Every day, even on weekends (and these days even more actively), thousands of people take to the central square and the streets to demand a change of the system and to check all privatization deals and agreements with foreign countries. Miners have gone on strike, followed by declared willingness of doctors and nurses to strike. Workers at a nonferrous metals plant in Kyrdzhli went on strike.
All participants in the protest to support the demands of the railway workers to stop privatization of Bulgarian railways. In Burgas each day protesters go to the port with demands to stop the procedure for privatization of the port. The start of these events began to the surprise of Bulgarians themselves – at the always so calm, holiday resort of Varna. It entrenched the country's largest enforcement group "Team-security", which controls the production of 5% of gross domestic product. And so far from it, no one can sort them out. It is engaged in racketeering, has a "window" on the sea and land borders for the passage of drugs, cigarettes, alcohol and other contraband. At its head are former naval officers. It is known that almost all power structures are associated with this group, and it controls all the Black Sea coast of Bulgaria and half the country. A young man 36 years demanded that the mayor end the domination of the mafia group, but he was denied even a conversation. Then Plamen (that was his name), doused himself with gasoline and set himself on fire. He died in a Varna hospital. His last words were: "Team Security needs to be destroyed". "Every day, people come to the spot in front of City Hall and leave according to local customs, stones and flowers in memory of the Plamen and write their demands: "Mayor and City Council – resign!" The mayor resisted the protesters demand until March 8, and then resigned. City Council is still to deliberate, but its fate is sealed. And today in several cities in Bulgaria protesters expressed their distrust of the local authorities. The fire started by Plamen is flaring up all over. Three more boys committed immolation. The President has been in consultation ready to announce the composition of a (temporary) government, which is obliged by the Constitution to prepare and hold early elections. Protesters insist on the adoption of new rules of elections, even a new constitution, not relying on the existing “democracy” in this European country. The struggle is unfolding.

by Candidate of Historical Science
Alla Gigova
Bulgaria - March 2013


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FOR BOLSHEVISM - No 4 (121) APRIL 2013

WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!

ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLSHEVIKS


SOCIALIST REVOLUTION
FOR BOLSHEVISM INSIDE THE COMMUNIST AND WORKERS’ MOVEMENT


Monthly AUCPB bulletin on workers’ movement in ex-USSR with additional reports specific to Britain’s hardest hit

No 4 (121) APRIL 2013
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FOR SOCIALISM IN PALESTINE AND ISRAEL!
What is the position of the Bolsheviks regarding the Palestinian-Israeli conflict? The topic of events in this region of the Middle East is constantly in the media and therefore we need to clarify this issue.
In the very first instance we need to give a clear answer to this question: The All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB), in recognizing the right of peoples to self-determination, supports the Palestinian people's right to the establishment of an independent state with its capital in East Jerusalem.
After such an answer there may arise more questions. We’ll try to answer them.
The first question is: "How can you support radical Muslims and Islamic fundamentalists? After all the TV spews out that Palestinians are all evil Muslims... ".
This position is due to "Islamophobic" propaganda by the media. In fact, among the Palestinians there are Muslims, Christians and atheists.
On pro-Zionist "television", when they talk about the Palestinians, most often they show the Islamist militants of HAMAS. But the Palestinian resistance is by far not limited to HAMAS. Besides the fact that in the West
Bank, the Arab secular Fatah party
rules, we should also emphasize the activities in Palestine of leftist organisations, including socialist and communist ones.
These organizations include the Popular Front for the liberation of Palestine (PFLP), headquartered operates mainly in neighbouring Lebanon), the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) and others. They favour an all-Arab socialist revolution. Their fighters are easily distinguished from the Islamists - they have red ribbons over their Palestinian scarves and the Islamists wear green ones). The founder of the above-listed organizations was George Habash, a Palestinian, who was born in an orthodox Christian family.
In the twentieth century, the Soviet Union supported the activities of the leftist Palestinian organizations, including through the structures of the KGB the supplying of arms and specialists.
Of course, we cannot ignore that among Leftist Palestinians there are nationalist and even
religious views. But if you read, for example, what the Russian Internet "communists" say, there are similar trends. Nationalism and religion is a phenomenon peculiar to the backward masses, where they will tail the Communists and wither out with the development of the revolutionary struggle and socialism.
Speaking of the Palestinian Islamists, we must pay attention to the fact that they are not North Caucasian Wahhabis. Wahhabism is a radical form of Islamic extremism and is the official religion of Saudi Arabia and backed by this same country.
In Palestine, there are Wahhabi, al-Qaeda organizations supported by the Saudis and the U.S. intelligence services, but they are scarce, and even the police of the Hamas party in the Gaza Strip have subjected them to harassment.
You may recall that in 2008, Hamas declared their support for Russia's actions for the protection of South Ossetia. In the early 2000s, Russian television showed an interview of one of the leaders of another Islamist organization - "Hezbollah" (operating in neighbouring Lebanon.) He spoke remarkable words: "We have heard about the Chechen fighters in Russia. They call themselves "warriors of Allah." But the warriors of Allah can not capture civilians and abuse them." As you can see, the North Caucasian Wahhabis benefit from support only from the Saudis and US provocateurs in the Middle East. Moreover, in the press, information has leaked that the "Chechen warlords" and their relatives keep money in Israeli financial institutions and buy luxury properties in Israeli Gush Dan region.
Thus, in summarizing – we can safely say that the Palestinians can in no way be compared to North Caucasian bandits. On the contrary, the "Chechen field commanders" have good contacts with Israel.
In conclusion, we have to add, that the ratio of
the relationship between the various Palestinian organizations is complex: sometimes they act in unity against Israel, which sometimes leads to armed clashes between the leftist Palestinians and various Isamists. Thus, one day in Gaza strip there was a skirmish between fighters of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the pro-Iranian group "Islamic Jihad", where a few people suffered gunshot wounds. The exchange of fire took place due to the fact that the rebels could not share the heights from where it was convenient
for shelling Israelis.
In view of the foregoing, another question arises: what is the view of the Bolsheviks on the Jewish state of Israel and why the idea of creating a Jewish state was once supported by Stalin's USSR?
Here again we recall the right of peoples to self-
determination. Jews also have the right to establish their own state in Palestine, therefore the Soviet Union in 1947 supported the creation of the Jewish state, but immediately, categorically condemned the policy of the imperialist, Zionist, pro-American circles in Israel. The Soviet Union condemned the Israeli military aggression against the Palestinian
Arabs, and demanded that Israel return to the borders defined by the United Nations. The aggressive Israeli military used against the neighbouring peoples made the word "Israel" itself a symbol of imperialism and Zionist fascism.
Obviously, the resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict lies on the path of a socialist revolution in the Middle East. When in Israel, Zionism is overthrown, and in Palestine and Israel peace-loving, socialist forces and communists come to power, then past hostility and the hatred between the Palestinian Arabs and Jews will become a thing of the past.
Only socialism will bring peace, equality and friendship for the peoples on the ancient lands of Palestine and Israel. But there is a long time to go before that – and ahead of the Palestinian and Jewish communist comrades stand many years of struggle against Zionism and all forms
capitalist inequality. The most important step in this direction should be the creation of a truly Bolshevik Leninist-Stalinist party of Jewish and Arab workers. This step still needs to be done.
By Ivan Pushkarev
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N.A. ANDREEVA, GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOSHEVIKS (AUCPB) INTERVIEW BY "FREE PRESS"
Nina Andreeva a quarter of a century later remains committed to principles
March 13 marks the 25th anniversary of one event, which is unlikely to be remembered by many today, but which made a splash at the time both among supporters and opponents of Perestroika in the USSR. We are talking here about the publication in the Russian newspaper "Sovietskaya Rossiya” (Soviet Russia) of an article written by an ordinary lecturer from Leningrad, Nina Andreeva, entitled "I cannot give up principles," which was the first with a harsh criticism of Gorbachev's policy from below.
Within days, the entire article was reprinted in nearly a thousand newspapers across the Soviet Union. To the editors of the newspapers and to Nina Andreeva personally arrived many letters with words of solidarity and also those with sharp condemnation.
At the same time, the article really scared the architects of perestroika. For nearly a month following its publication, the authorities did not know what to say. The ideologist of perestroika, Alexander Yakovlev even wanted to resign, but Gorbachev held him back. At his insistence, Nina Andreeva’s letter was discussed by the Politburo of the CPSU. The result of the discussion was that Yakovlev prepared an article called "Principles of Perestroika, revolutionary thinking and action", published in "Pravda" on April 5. In this article, the letter by Nina Andreeva was called the "manifesto of anti-perestroika forces."
Today, 25 years later, the issues raised by Nina Andreeva in her letter, remain relevant and controversial. For some people, she is a Cassandra who predicted the death of Soviet civilization, but for others - a symbol of the reactionary and retrograde. At the same time, the current government is trying to flirt with the population using the legacy of the Soviet era, and most ambiguously. Widely publicized, for example, is the creating of interest to Stalin in society, and the constant debate about renaming Volgograd back to Stalingrad is proof of that.
Because of all this and everything that has changed over the years, we decided to talk with the author of the acclaimed letter, Nina Andreeva herself.
"FP": - Nina Alexandrovna, please tell our readers what motivated you into writing that letter? Was it when you clearly understood where the country was going?
N.A. - The fact that the country was not going where it should have been, I realized, in analyzing the statements made by Gorbachev himself and on his behalf, those announced in the Western media.
In the 1980-s, Soviet society was in a state of both excitement and confusion. To the head of state came a young General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Mikhail Gorbachev, from whom many expected and welcomed his "perestroika." Why? In society, changes were needed. By this time, there were a lot of unresolved issues. Among the major issues stood the deformation of socialism, the deformation of the ruling party along with the ideological degeneration of the CPSU. In fact there was a break by party from the people. And all of this on a backdrop of an open "demonstration" by the elitist intellectuals of their anti-Soviet nature. You may remember, for example, the anti-Soviet repertoire in theatres, especially in the staging of M.Shatrova, the printing of numerous articles in the press articles slandering the Soviet period, lies in the media against Stalin, disrespect to the war veterans, the overthrow of the historical significance of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War and World War II, and many others.
All these problems were being openly discussed in society. Myself as university lecturer and curator of one of the student groups, of course, discussed the "burning" issues with my students. Most people over the demagoguery and trick phrases made by Gorbachev could not understand what was happening in reality and what was really behind "perestroika." I did not agree with much of what was happening with the 180 degrees turn of history, and therefore wrote my rather lengthy reply in the summer of 1987 to one of the newspaper articles that interested me. Part of my response was published. In January 1988, I wrote another response to an article in the same newspaper - "Leningrad worker." That one remained unanswered. In February 1988, a CC CPSU Plenum was held in which Yegor Ligachev had set the same issues that I had discussed in my letters to the "Leningrad worker." I sent copies of my two letters to four newspapers, including the "Sovietskaya Rossiya", which published a generalized and shortened version of my two letters prepared by me in the form of one article.
"SP": - When writing your article, did you think about how the rest of your fate would pan out? Were there thoughts that you might pass a certain threshold beyond which you would then begin a new life – a life of a public figure and politician?
N.A. No, I did not think about it and do not seek "fame." It was simply that I, as a member of the CPSU, as a teacher, and as a Soviet woman wanted to express my own views on the real aims of "perestroika", which were revealed to me by analyzing events in the country and the response of the West to those events. For example, a new interpretation of the name of the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) that Gorbachev declared publicly at the UN in 1987 as being the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics ...
In my publication, I wanted to draw the attention of the Soviet people of my understanding of the true meaning of "perestroika", and wanted them to think about the future of their country.
"SP": - Your article was the first to voice criticism of the policy of the party and government from a leftist point of view. How do you think the country would have developed, if the upper echelons had listened to you and your followers? Could that in principle have even happened at all?
N.A.- A subjunctive mood is not acceptable for history. But if the leadership of the country was not nearly all counter-revolutionary – because almost all of the higher ranks of the CPSU were conformist by nature nomenklatura and turned out to be conductors of the policy of "gorbastroika" - then we could have made a turn away from "perestroika", and begin to address those pressing issues, which I have already stated.
But at that time, we did not know that Gorbachev’s ambition in life was to destroy communism. We did not know that Gorbachev and Shevardnadze "sometime in their seventies (!) would conclude that the communist system should be changed from head to toe ..." (the former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, in "Diplomacy",). "To achieve this, I (Gorbachev - Ed.) decided that I must destroy the whole apparatus of the CPSU and the USSR. Also I must do this in all of the other socialist countries ... I found friends that had the same thoughts as I in Yakovlev and Shevardnadze, they all deserve to be thanked for the breakup of the USSR and the defeat of communism." (M. Gorbachev. From an interview by newspapers with Gorbachev in Ankara, Turkey where he was a guest at a seminar at the American University. "Sovietskaya Rossiya", 2000, August 19).
The top party nomenklatura was an active component in the preparation and carrying out of the counterrevolution. Yeltsin was a regional secretary for many years, a candidate member of the Politburo, and his minister of state security Golushko - Ukrainian KGB chief, as well as Secretary of State and Deputy Prime Minister Burbulis who taught Marxism-Leninism in the universities, who was one of the architects of reform and the actual head of the government. Gaidar headed the department in the main theoretical journal of the CPSU "Communist," and after that, in the main Communist Party newspaper "Pravda". The next Prime Minister Chernomyrdin was a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Even in 1995, according to the Institute of Sociology, the Yeltsin administration by 75% and the Government of the Russian Federation by 74.3% consisted of former CPSU party nomenklatura.
It would have been possible to have reversed events via the extraordinary Congress of the CPSU in the autumn of 1991 by rejecting "perestroika" there and then, by changing the entire party-state apparatus. This is what we the Bolsheviks had planned to do via the Bolshevik platform in the CPSU. The counter-revolution overtook us. Yeltsin's decree in September 1991 banned all communist activities, and a little earlier in the year in August a farce coup was organized by the GKChP (State Committee on the State of Emergency). And Yeltsin on the 3 and 4 October 1993 suppressed the revolt against him by drowning it in blood, shooting the defenders of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation.
"SP": - For nearly a month, between the publication of the article and the publication of Yakovlev's response to it - from March 13 to April 5, 1988 - the entire perestroika propaganda machine stopped its anti-Soviet hysteria, only to resume after Yakovlev actually gave approval for the continuation of it. Why do you think the top echelons of power waited so long? Did your article really scare someone in high places?
N.A.- The party leadership became confused at that point and did not know what to do. Yakovlev immediately resigned, but Gorbachev refused to accept his resignation and instructed him to prepare a damning document against the "enemy of perestroika" – the author of the article in "Sovietskaya Rossiya", and have it printed in the newspaper "Pravda” (“Truth”). Following the publication in "Pravda" of Yakovlev’s article, the counterrevolution entered a new stage, hounding and persecuting all those who did not support "gorbastroika." And of course, above all, it affected me, the author of the article.
"SP": - In your article you pay attention to the fact that the victims of ongoing historical revision are primarily young people. Today, a new generation who knows nothing about the Soviet system, have not seen, not only the positive side to it but also its negative traits.
N.A. - Nowadays the young people, like anyone else, are finding things difficult. Young people do not know their history, and their development has now lagged 50 years or more behind. Young people do not know classical literature, music ... Many people cannot get jobs in this bourgeois sweatshop system of gaining profits, and die of heart attacks or suicide, are unable to set up a family because of the low wages (if they are lucky to find a job), and find it impossible to buy a flat and provide for his family. There is a large-scale mental debilitation of the population underway, especially among young people. But today however, we are seeing an awakened interest by them in Soviet history, as they are beginning to learn it on their own, and the veil of lies starts to drop.

Dmitry Rodionov, "Free Press"
http://www.svpressa.ru/politic/article/65363/
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INSIDE THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
On February 16 in the DPRK (North Korea) the birthday of Kim Jong Il (1942-2011) was celebrated, who for the last 15 years (since 8
October 1997) led the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) as General Secretary of the WPK, was Supreme Commander of the Korean People’s Army (KPA) (since 24 December 1991), Chairman of the National Defence Commission of the DPRK (since 9 April 1993), and Marshal
of the KPA. During the years of the country's leadership of Comrade Kim Jong Il, a lot was done, so much in fact, that you can not list let alone describe all his contributions to the construction of socialist Korea. Over the past 30 years, under Kim Jong Il, the DPRK made a powerful step forward in its development. For example in the tremendous advances in the development of the economic base of society, new
industries, heavy industry with factories built with modern electronic equipment, were created, increasing power output to a higher level along with the construction of large and small-scale hydropower plants in small rivers, the development of modern engineering, and the construction of several large plants in the chemical industry, etc.
Much has been done in the development of light industry under the motto - more high-quality goods for the people of the country. Much has also been done in the field of land management, with the creation of new acreage, new varieties
of food crops, together with developed livestock and fisheries.
The DPRK set up its own nuclear power and confidently stepped into space by launching its own artificial satellite.
The Armed Forces of the DPRK has become a formidable weapon against any aggressor, having brought into service various long-range missiles.
Much has been done in the social and
the educational system. The housing issue has been completely solved in cities and agricultural cooperatives. Health care has been taken to
a new level - with the help of computer techniques to diagnose the health of residents of the country who are living in the most remote towns and villages. Great achievements have been made by the DPRK in the field of sport having received many top prizes at international competitions and the Olympic Games. In Party documents it is written that man stands as centre of attention. And this has always been practiced and is now in practice throughout the Government and the Party. Under the leadership of Kim Jong Il, the Korean people overcame an unprecedented and difficult path.
For the people, Kim Jong Il was a symbol of victory, a spiritual support and bright future of Korea.
The love of the Korean people to prematurely deceased Great Kim Jong Il is so great that he has been forever remained at the high post of General Secretary of the WPK by Decree of the IV conference of the WPK and the V session of the Supreme Peoples Assembly of the DPRK of the 12th convocation in legislate order designated Kim Jong Il to the post of eternal Chairman of the National Defence Commission (NDC). A decision was made to build a statue of Kim Jong-Il in Pyongyang, to celebrate his birthday as the Day of the Shining Star, and all over the country to erect portraits of Kim Jong Il and a tower called Immortality Tower (with an inscription - "Great Comrades Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il are always with us ").
A year after the death of Kim Jong-Il, his embalmed body has been placed next to the body of Kim Il-Sung in Kumsusan memorial palace, renamed Kumsusan Palace of the Sun.
Earlier, in April 2012, in the centre of Pyongyang alongside a bronze statue of Kim Il Sung, a statue of Kim Jong Il was erected. As big a statue of Kim Jong Il was set up on the territory of the Ministry of Armed Forces of the DPRK (see photo in this material).
On December 24, 2012, on the day of the appointment of Kim Jong Il to the post of Supreme Commander of the KPA (1991), the Government of the DPRK instituted the International Kim Jong-Il Prize. In the rules of the award it states that it will be awarded to politicians, scientists, public officials and businessmen who made tangible contributions to the struggle for independence of the country and the nation, the realisation of global independence, and peace and the development of human culture. The prize consists of a diploma, a gold medal and a Cup. A special council will organise the work of awarding the Prize, which is made up of prominent politicians, public activists and scientists from different countries. The award council is based in New Delhi (India). Awarding of the prize took place on 16 February 2013 on the birthday of Kim Jong Il. This Day in the DPRK has been declared a national holiday the "Day of the Shining Star."
Also an Order of Kim Jong Il has been instituted along with a children’ Kim Jong Il
Award of Honor. Kim Jong Il commemorative coins have also been produced inscribed with "The great leader Comrade Kim Jong Il is always with us."
The traditions and ideas of the Great President Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il now worthily continued and performed in practice by the young DPRK leader Kim Jong-Un. 2012 was
triumphant in the program implementation of the tasks laid forth by the previous leaders. This demonstrates the continuity in policy of Great Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong-Il.
On the Day of the Shining Star - February 16, we sincerely wish the hard-working people of the DPRK to also firmly and confidently to move
forward under the banner of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il ("under the banner of the Sun"), bringing ever closer a bright tomorrow in the DPRK – entering into a thriving prosperous socialist power, which two great men dreamt about.
Congratulating Comrade Kim Jong-Un on the 71th anniversary since the birth of Great Kim Jong Il, we wish the young DPRK leader success in his difficult task - advancing the country forward and defending the cause of socialism as dignified
inexorably as his great predecessors.
In the name of Kim Jong Un on the occasion of 71th anniversary of the birth of the great leader Comrade Kim Jong Il, the General Secretary of the AUCPB, N.A.Andreeva sent a congratulatory telegram to Pyongyang.
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ON THE PROBLEMS OF THE WORKING CLASS
Lenin and Stalin were always talking about the need to unite the communist and workers' movement into a single force that is able to destroy capitalism. Only under this condition can communists and workers successfully fight for socialist revolution. This was proved very expressively autumn 1917 in Russia.
We shall tear out the "root of evil"!
J.V. Stalin wrote in 1905 in his "Briefly About Disagreements in the Party": "... What is scientific socialism without the working-class movement? — A compass which, if left unused, will only grow rusty and then will have to be thrown overboard.
What is the working-class movement without socialism?—A ship without a compass which will reach the other shore in any case, but would reach it much sooner and with less danger if it had a compass.
Combine the two and you will get a splendid vessel, which will speed straight towards the other shore and reach its haven unharmed.
Combine the working-class movement with socialism and you will get a Social-Democratic (communist – fb) movement which will speed straight towards the "promised land."
And so, it is the duty of Social-Democracy (and not only of Social-Democratic intellectuals) to combine socialism with the working-class movement, to imbue the movement with socialist consciousness and thereby lend the spontaneous working-class movement a Social-Democratic character.
That is what Lenin said ... ".
Thus it is necessary to avoid a situation where the communists are by themselves, and the workers are by themselves.
Bolsheviks and Young Bolshevik Guards should actively cooperate with those who work in the factories. We need to keep up persistent communist propaganda among the workers, often organize pickets, rallies at the entrances to factories with the distribution of our newspapers and leaflets. We need to look for supporters who could distribute our printed products within companies, workshops and provide information about the situation at the plant. It is necessary to protect people from a situation where the authorities or security know who is engaged in the distribution of Bolshevik newspapers and leaflets. Otherwise, the worker could be fired from the plant "at will" or under a different pretext, one which will always be found. In some cases, you only need to leave the Bolshevik literature in the workshops by machinery, in the locker room, in the dining halls, corridors and stairwells on a window sill - in all those places where the mass of workers gather. It makes sense to spread newspapers, leaflets, within the plant with the help of people who have been working there for a long time and know reliable comrades. Through them you can distribute our newspapers and leaflets along a "chain" of workers. Only the strengthening of Bolshevik propaganda and agitation among the working class, both outside plant and inside can ensure the growth of Bolshevik ideas among workers-proletarians.
When factory workers organize strikes, we need to provide information of support to the campaign. We need to post articles about the strike in our newspapers, on Internet sites, social networks and forums. Make it so that the largest possible number of workers find out about the strike. After all, this is an example for them as an effective solution to the problems of labour and wages.
In the event of a strike at any enterprise the Bolsheviks or Young Bolsjevik Guards can organize a rally in support by writing words of solidarity with workers on large sheets of paper that have to be put on public display during the strike. The plant workers will then know that the Bolsheviks and Young Guard support the strike, and then our credibility in the working masses will be strengthened. One of our main objectives is to strengthen the growth in influence of the Bolsheviks among working people. And this we can implement, providing real help to factory workers in their struggle for their rights.
Unfortunately, among the poorer segments of society there is still a strong hope for a "kind uncle", who in the opinion of the naive citizens, will "have mercy" and help workers improve their material existence. So far, there are still many workers who have naive hope that the powers to be can actually "regret" what they are doing and actually help working people.
This is the root of evil. This is the reason that the protests of workers rarely go beyond economic demands. People still believe in the powers to be and the bourgeoisie - the "owners" of enterprises. It is necessary to break this faith. We should explain that no "uncle", "king-father" or president, or mayor will help the workers. It is necessary to explain to the workers that never in the 20 years of capitalist slavery in the former USSR have the central authorities as well as the local ones ever really helped working people much in their struggle for their rights. At best, everything has been limited to empty talk and a few handouts - crumbs from the master's table or with the threat of "punishment" by the bourgeois, of delaying wages. Workers don’t want this. They want a secure life, confidence in the future, and a substantial income. The workers do not want to simply exist (as they do now), but to actually live! And we need to explain to them that this is not achievable under capitalism. Only socialism can provide the above social security, besides the fact that it provides free housing, medical treatment and education. Workers need to understand that socialism is not achievable through elections, but through a Socialist revolution.
Workers need to believe in themselves and to understand that they THEMSELVES with the Communists-Bolsheviks are able to improve their lives. To believe in the cause is half the battle.
Now capitalism. The "Kind Uncle" remains in socialism, therefore the workers should rely only upon themselves, and on the people of their own class, on the transition to socialism through a general strike and revolution.
When we are united - we are invincible
The problem in today's society lies in selfishness in disunity. Unfortunately, this disease has also affected workers. Some of them live by the motto of "everyone for themselves," or "it’s none of my business." There is no workers unity and mutual assistance. All too often one section of workers will strike, and the other at the same time will work. This is called strike-breaking. At the beginning of the XX century this was a disgrace for the workers. Nowadays, unfortunately, the situation is different. For example, at the Russian arms factory in Izhevsk during a strike in October 2012, younger workers were on strike, but pensioners who worked there at the time, did not support the protest and carried on working. Is this not selfishness? Such narrow-minded people (in spite of their grey hair) do not understand that being disunited, we are easy to suppress – like a piece of cake, but when we are united - we are invincible. Explaining this is another challenge for genuine communists.
The bourgeoisie after 1917 in Russia understood that the working class not only in words but also in deeds is their gravedigger. Capitalists tend to try not to increase the number of factories in their states and where possible, shift production to other countries (particularly Asian countries), where labour is cheaper. Therefore, in some European countries the number of factories does not increase, but in many countries even decrease in number, or worse still as in the former USSR the "CIS", factories are quite openly destroyed. Consequently, the number of members of the working class – who the gravedigger of the bourgeoisie is also reduced. Here is one of the reasons why capitalism is alive and continues to torment the working classes. Therefore, the task of the Bolsheviks-communists is to strengthen the fight (with rallies and other protest actions) against the destruction of factories still open since 1991. Factory workers will thank us for this.
Another problem of the working class is the large scale employee "drain" from enterprises. Many employees "protest" against the tyranny of the capitalist bosses by simply handing in their notice and leaving the factory and going to another organization, "where wages are higher." On the one hand this would seem like a way out, but on the other - the other company where the employee now works, also exists under capitalism. Hence, there is still the risk of low wages, its delays, layoffs, bankruptcy, etc.
With the large-scale employee "drain " at enterprises, the work collective is unstable, hence, less cohesive, less friendly, and we, the Bolsheviks, and Young Bolshevik Guard should make efforts to ensure that workers are not running from factory to factory, but actively fighting here and now at their own factory enterprise for their rights, for socialism, and not just simply limiting their struggle to economic demands only.
AUCPB


STATEMENT by the CC AUCPB on the situation on the Korean Peninsula
22.03.2013
We have repeatedly stated before that the AUCPB supported and will support the leadership Songun policy of the DPRK. We fully support the DPRK nuclear test and launch of an artificial satellite by their domestic carrier rocket, suggesting the establishment of a reliable DPRK nuclear shield, which is in the current circumstances, the only real way to protect the country from external aggression.
However, we do not support the statement made by the Foreign Affairs spokesman and other agencies about the possibility of the DPRK launching a pre-emptive nuclear strike against its enemies, as it puts the socialist country level with the imperialist aggressor – the United States, the instigator of a Third World thermo-nuclear war. The apparent military gains from this will inevitably turn to political defeat on either of the sides who dared to actually deliver a pre-emptive nuclear strike. On the Korean peninsula today in opposing each other, i.e. the DPRK – U.S., what is at stake is not only the life of DPRK citizens, but also those of neighbouring countries, and in the end – the whole of humanity.
AUCPB
22 March 2013.
Leningrad
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THE PSYCHOLOGICAL WAR CONTINUES
Published as a debate

After the ending of the Great Patriotic War in 1945, enemies of the Soviet Union realized that military force alone could not defeat the USSR.
Hitler's Wehrmacht was the strongest army in the capitalist world, but it could not crush the Soviet Motherland. On the contrary, since 1945, the number of socialist countries actually increased, and the Soviet Union, thanks also to the genius of Stalin's policy, was controlling
more than half the world's population.
The major bourgeoisie of U.S. and Western Europe became truly alarmed. The imperialists began feeling that the end was near for them. They began to take measures to extend their power over large parts of the planet and try to inflict a lethal blow against the Soviet Union. More than 80 institutions in capitalist countries worked only for the development and practice of implementation of a new method for the savage destruction of the USSR. The Zionist- imperialist bourgeoisie splashed out plenty of money for this.
Against the Soviet Motherland, against the ideas of communism, began a new undeclared war – a psychological war. From out of the U.S. began the "ideological attack on communism." The imperialists set their scientists, lackeys, spies and
agents of influence the task of: breaking up, and shaking the foundations of the socialist system from within, "to launder" the basic ideological principles of Soviet society and the countries
of the people's democracies, then sow disbelief in the possibility of building communism, and discredit the ideas of Marxism-Leninism.
The enemies of socialism understood that in order to undermine faith in communism, you had to know how to distort Marxism. Therefore, they sent their own agents to Soviet universities and carried out “special” work among scientists. That included breaking the principles of Marxism-Leninism and subjecting it to revision. Under Khrushchev and Brezhnev, such agents "worked" in almost every Moscow higher learning institution.
Foreign intelligence centres gave out tasks to spies: to penetrate circles influencing policies of the countries of socialism, to seize key positions in the USSR (i.e. Gorbachev in the CPSU and Putin in the KGB), and create underground opposition
groups. Agents of the West acted not only among scientists, but also among a mass of actors, journalists, writers, and musicians.
"Processing" their minds, these spies had a great
impact on public opinion in the USSR. Therefore it is of no surprise that namely among the scientists, actors, journalists and musicians, the Gorbachevites-Yeltsinites found themselves in the second half of the 80's with reliable support.
Their American masters gave
instructions such as these to their agents of influence: "... The Slavs like to sing over a glass of vodka. Remind them how well they brewed moonshine during the Civil War. Recklessly drunk, say Russians. Create the same thing and the drunks will wander wherever we need them to go. Russians like humour ... Well, we shall arm fans
with witty jokes, making fun of their present day and their future. A sharp anecdote spreads like wildfire, sometimes even by people loyal to Soviet power. The anecdote is a great force. Slipping past one person imperceptibly, it can leave another person with the thin coating, which
will serve as a catalyst for everything that is anti-Soviet ... ". Anti-Soviet jokes that were common in
Brezhnev era, did their dirty deed. They significantly undermined public confidence in the possibility of building communism.
Back in the early 1950's, the agents of influence were given by their masters the task of creating inside the USSR and other socialist countries, an atmosphere of popular discontent.
This, in part explains the events of 1968 in the Czechoslovakia, and in the early 1980's, in Poland, as well as the bourgeois counter-revolutions that swept through Central Europe in 1989. In this same rank can be placed the creating of the artificial shortage of food products that took place under Gorbachev.
The words of German historian Clausewitz, expressed in his book "On War" became the program for the destroyers of the USSR: "The Russian Empire is no country which can be regularly conquered, that is to say, which can be held in possession, at least not by the forces of the present States of Europe, nor by the 500,000 men with which Bonaparte invaded the country. Such a country can only be subdued by its own weakness, and by the effects of internal dissension. In order to strike these vulnerable points in its political existence, the country must be agitated to its very centre ". Such a strike was provoked by the capitalist West with the so-called “perestroika”
(reconstruction), which caused an internal explosion and the destruction of the USSR.
The main psychological blow that was struck after 1953 was against the Soviet youth. Leaders of Western intelligence centres gave such clear instructions to the agents of influence: "The hope of every nation lies with its young people. We make this so that this hope deceives the Bolsheviks. Young people are inclined towards getting easily distracted... Poison the souls of young people with scepticism about the meaning of life, awaken interest in sexual problems, lure them over by such baits as the free world, modern dancing, nice clothes (rags), special types of music, poems, songs ... Children will always find something to rebuke their parents with. Use this! Set the younger generation against the older generation (and vice versa- Fb)...". In Western Europe after 1945, guesthouses were set up, where children and adolescents were kept, kidnapped by the Nazis from the occupied territories of the USSR. In these establishments, they brought up their agents of influence who would conduct subversive ideological work among Soviet young people. Such people entered Soviet universities and then conducted anti-communist propaganda. The main aim of these ideological saboteurs was to ensure that in the Soviet Union did not continue to appear a heroic youth, and a new Alexander Matrosov and Zoe Kosmodemyansky did appear.
The enemies of socialism set themselves a goal: "We must be so inventive in ways of conducting psychological war against communism in order to keep ahead of communist propaganda."
Opportunism, spies, betrayal, philistinism.
Unfortunately, almost all of the goals of psychological warfare against the Soviet Union have been achieved. Why did it happen? After the death of J.V. Stalin, Khrushchev's leadership in fact launched a campaign to revise and distort the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism. The governing structures of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the KGB
became gradually clogged with U.S. and Western Europe intelligence centre representatives, as well as careerists and philistines lacking ideology. Here is an example. In 1962, the CPSU expelled Vyacheslav Molotov, a principled communist who had even worked with Lenin. And in that very same year, the party accepted…..wow….. Boris Yeltsin. No comment needed.
Almost all the key posts in the Soviet Union by 1985 had been captured by agents of influence. Many communists, unfortunately, lost
vigilance having turned into petty bourgeois and apologetic philistines with a communist party membership card in their pocket. The KGB, weakened by the activities of foreign agents and
traitors like Vladimir Putin, obviously underestimated the danger of the psychological war. Anti-Soviet anecdotes should have been equated with anti-Soviet propaganda. This was not done. So these anecdotes were free to roam around the country, undermining the foundations of Soviet power. The KGB, more or less actually governed by traitors "neutralizing" distributors of anti-Soviet literature, often escaped court, and were limited to "pet talks" only, releasing such enemies of the people in all directions, rather than sentencing them to the death penalty or imprisonment, which was demanded by the Soviet Criminal Code.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin in the early 1920-s said that neither foreign intervention or civil war, but only communists themselves are able due to their ideological errors or betrayal, to bring about the restoration of capitalism. And this is exactly what happened, because members of the CPSU forgot these Leninist words and stopped purging the party of hangers-on elements and outright enemies. And thus violated the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism.
We Bolsheviks have to take account of this lesson of history.
Imperialists are using psychological warfare against us even now. Among the working classes, judgments are spread about such as: “All struggle is pointless," "There is no return to socialism", and
other such nonsense. Foreign owners are now finding the Russian police state regime is important so that the working class as the primary driver of a Socialist revolution do not believe in their own strength and its will is paralyzed by the problems of survival under capitalism.
Opportunism, revisionism and distortion of Marxism-Leninism are features of most modern leftist parties. This is also manifestation of psychological warfare, as opportunism, co-
appeasement with the bourgeoisie, and betrayal of the interests of the working people are imported into Russia from the West.
Vile anti-Soviet and anti-Stalinist propaganda is the third sign of the modern psychological war.
What are Bolsheviks and the Young Bolshevik Guard to do in order to counter this? Replace the "minus" sign with the "plus" sign. We must conduct counter-propaganda. We need to do everything possible to make the working class believe in itself and as our duty with the help of a general strike, and then a Socialist
revolution, to destroy capitalism in Russia. We must observe loyalty to the principles of Marxism-Leninism, to mercilessly expose the traitors- opportunists as lackeys of the capitalist regime. We must explain to the working people the truth about the Soviet government as a bright page in history and about Stalin as a great leader of the Soviet people.
By K. Stolyarov
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IN MEMORY OF HUGO CHAVEZ
From the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks
On the 5th of March 2013 after a long illness, the president of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, 59 year old Hugo Chavez died.
We express our deepest condolences to the people of Venezuela and Latin America in connection with the death of the President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez. Hugo Chavez was a passionate revolutionary and a soldier worthy of continuing the work of the legendary fighter for freedom and independence of the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean, Simon Bolivar.
Chavez dedicated his life to the struggle for a better life for the poor. He made a great contribution to the integration of Latin America against the dictates of U.S. imperialism and the world in general, and was able to challenge the U.S. alone. Hugo Chavez was a recognized leader in the national liberation movement and will always be remembered not only by the peoples of Latin America, but around the world. We believe that the cause of the struggle for independence and socialism will be successfully continued by his fellow comrades and successors, whom he was able to train and prepare in advance.

We wish the people of Venezuela, the courage to endure the weight of their loss, and confidently move on towards building an independent state.
CC AUCPB
6 March 2013
Leningrad
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Britain

KOREAN FRIENDSHIP ASSOCIATION (UK KFA) PICKETS US EMBASSY IN LONDON IN PROTEST AT US-SOUTH KOREAN WAR DRILLS

The UK Korean Friendship Association together with the the Juche Idea Study Group , Association for the Study of Songun Politics UK and the New Communist Party of Britain picketed the US embassy in Grosvenor Square London at 4-30pm on the 19th of March.
The banner of the UK Korean Friendship Association was put up along with a
banner saying "No to UNSC Sanctions" and the flag of the DPRK.
KFA Official Delegate and chairman of the Juche Idea Study Group Dermot Hudson made a speech. He said that the picket had been called to protest against "Foal Eagle " and " Key Resolve" exercises and the UNSC sanctions. He said that "Foal Eagle"
and "Key Resolve " are most aggressive exercises which involve over 200,000
troops and nuclear warheads. Chairman Hudson said that as we speak nuclear
capable B52 bombers were flying over Korea. "Key Resolve " and "Foal Eagle " are
aimed at invading the DPRK , effecting "regime change" and destroying the Juche-based socialist system in Korea. "Foal Eagle and " Key Resolve " risk provoking another Korean war which could quickly turn into a third world war. It is 10 years after the start of the Iraq War but the US has not learnt its lesson.
The UNSC sanctions against the DPRK are most unjust as the DPRK has conducted less than 1% of the nuclear tests in the world but have had sanctions imposed on it. This has been done at the behest of the US and the UNSC is just a
puppet of the US.
US imperialism invaded Korea over a 100 years ago and unleashed the Korean War in 1950. It has systematically destroyed the Korean Armistice Agreement which had now nullified by the Korean People's Army. US imperialism is the sworn enemy of the Korean people . Korea will be reunified under the banner of the Juche idea.
Andy Brooks general secretary of the New Communist Party also addressed the picket.
He said that the US policy of dividing Korea. They had created a despotic fascist regime in south Korea which arrested patriotic pro reunification champions such as Ro Su Hui
Slogans were shouted such as:
US out of Korea! Yankees Go Home! Korea is One! No to Sanctions - No to War, Down with US imperialism! Victory to the KPA! Long live the Workers' Party of Korea! Long live Marshal Kim Jong Un!
Leaflets were given out and discussions were held with passers and even with an American businessman who came out of the Embassy.
Police informed told us not to take photographs of the Embassy's "security station"
The picket concluded at 6pm.
Organised by UK Korean Friendship Association, contact email: uk@korea-dpr.com

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